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In the two decades since Alexander Lockhart's seminal article on the insider–outsider dialectic in native socioeconomic development, a great deal of change has occurred in the Canadian North and new challenges have emerged for community‐based participatory research and development. This is particularly the case in the Northwest Territories, where Aboriginal communities are facing for the first time the triple challenges of Aboriginal land claims implementation, Aboriginal self‐government, and a boom in mining and petroleum development. Increasingly, participatory methods in research and community development are being co‐opted to serve state or corporate interests, far from their radical origins in movements for social change. A historical analysis is called for that accounts for the contradictory and contested social contexts in which participatory activities are imbedded. This article suggests that a return to the roots of the participatory method requires the creation of a new autonomous space of resistance. The academic outsider is uniquely positioned to facilitate critical interventions in both community and university contexts. The resulting convergence of critical outsider and insider has great potential in the forging of new knowledge that can contribute to self‐determination beyond the bounds of the state. 相似文献
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Frederick V. Simmons 《Political Theology》2013,14(8):681-688
ABSTRACTHow theological is political theology? Twentieth century American Protestantism illustrates that the answer depends on more than the extent to which a political theology is theological. For example, Walter Rauschenbusch and subsequent emancipatory political theologians understand theology's political significance very differently than John Howard Yoder and other political theologians influenced by the Radical Reformation. Nevertheless, both groups conceive the Christian gospel as a politics and so concur that Christian theology is essentially political. By contrast, Reinhold Niebuhr interpreted the gospel as disclosure of God's mercy and therefore denied that Christian theology is primarily a politics--for society or the church. Hence, although all three of these political theologies are thoroughly theological, they are not political in the same manner or for the same reasons. Accordingly, in addition to quantitative considerations, ascertaining theology's place in political theology involves discerning how a political theology is theological and why a theology is political. 相似文献
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Robert W. Simmons Jr. 《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(1):52-57
The present reflection seeks to establish the chronotope as an operating unit in the act of reading inasmuch as it strives to reconstruct the coherence of the novel's universe and to uncover the essence of things. Of the equal value is the Bakhtinian principle of dialogism, which proves propitious in rendering explicit the connections between different chronotopical units. 相似文献
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James W. Simmons 《The Canadian geographer》1984,28(1):18-45
The impact of government on the Canadian urban system is explored using Revenue Canada data from personal income tax returns. Variations in taxes and in certain forms of government expenditure among urban places are linked with city size, economic base, per capita income, and rate of growth. It is found that many locations are heavily dependent on the public sector and that, overall, government programmes redistribute income toward smaller and less prosperous places. The most significant effect, however, is the stabilization of local economies by means of a large and relatively constant public sector. L'impact du gouvernement sur le système urbain canadien est étudié en utilisant des données de Revenu Canada qui proviennent des déclarations d'impǒt sur le revenu des particuliers. Les variations de taxes et de certains types de dépenses publiques parmi les régions urbaines sont associés avec les variables de taille urbaine, base économique, revenu per capita, et taux de croissance. Il est démontré que plusieurs régions sont fortement dépendantes du secteur public et que, globalement, les programmes gouvernementaux redistribuent le revenue vers les régions les plus petites et les moins prospères. Mais l'effet le plus significatif est celui de la stabilisation des économies locales par le biais d'un large et relativement constant secteur public. 相似文献
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THE REGIONAL MALL IN CANADA 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Jim Simmons 《The Canadian geographer》1991,35(3):232-240
Over the last three decades, regional shopping malls have become significant features of the Canadian urban landscape. They account for the largest concentrations of employment, retail sales, and trip destinations outside the central business district, and they reshape patterns of accessibility within communities. This article examines the number, economic role, location, and implication of these facilities, in Canada, and contrasts them with similar malls in the United States. By 7 986, there were 84 regional malls with more than 500 000 sq. ft. of space in Canada, and these malls accounted for 10 per cent of all retail sales. 相似文献
16.
James W. Simmons 《The Canadian geographer》1970,14(4):372-376
17.
Donald H. Keith Toni L. Carrell Denise C. Lakey Joe J. Simmons III Jerry Goodale 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》1997,1(1):57-79
Two stories are told simultaneously: one that may have been, and one that yet might be. The story of the voyage that might have been is based on archaeological evidence provided by the earliest shipwreck discovered in the New World. These two stories are set in different eras to demonstrate certain constants in the human drive to explore the unknown, in the methods used, and in the consequences encountered. 相似文献
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Dana Simmons 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(2):288-306
One of the great intellectual productions of the postwar period, J. G. A. Pocock's The Machiavellian Moment was also an intervention in the American polity of the 1970s. The book's content, its rhetorical style, its methodology, and even its physical printed form were all designed to effectuate a political gesture. The crises of 1968 to 1973 invalidated the optimistic liberalism of Pocock's academic circle. The history of political language offered a refuge and a programmatic foundation for Pocock's pragmatic conservatism. The Machiavellian Moment was designed to reinforce the weight of tradition in contemporary political debate. 相似文献