全文获取类型
收费全文 | 124篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 54篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有128条查询结果,搜索用时 281 毫秒
41.
42.
Leonardo Cohen 《Nations & Nationalism》2023,29(2):618-632
In 1979, a group of activists belonging to the EPLF (the Eritrean People's Liberation Front) came across a materialistic interpretation of the national question, which was penned at the turn of the century by one Dov Ber Borochov (1881–1917), a Russian–Jewish intellectual who was a leading ideologue of Marxist Zionism. Among the fruits of this encounter was a book advocating the Eritrean people's right to self-determination. Owing to developments in the Soviet Union and Marxist circles in the 1920s, Borochov's works were all but ignored throughout the remainder of the century. How, then, did a Spanish translation of his treatise, Nationalismo y lucha de clases (known in English as The National Question and Class Struggle), find its way into the hands of Eritrean nationalists? Furthermore, against the backdrop of Moscow and Havana's open support for Ethiopia, what attracted these Eritreans to the thought of an obscure Marxist–Zionist intellectual? 相似文献
43.
44.
Shaye J.D. Cohen 《Gender & history》1997,9(3):560-578
From Hellenistic to modern times, in the eyes of Jews and non-Jews alike, circumcision is a sign that marks the boundary between Jews and non-Jews. Jews are circumcised, gentiles are not. What, then, of Jewish women? Why are they not marked with a bodily sign attesting to their place within the covenant? Cohen argues that the Jews of antiquity seem not to have been bothered by this question probably because the fundamental Otherness of women was clear to them. Jewish women were Jewish by birth, but their Jewishness was assumed to be inferior to that of Jewish men. Jews and Christians, however, who opposed circumcision, used the non-circumcision of women as one of their supporting arguments. 相似文献
45.
Shaul Bakhash 《Iranian studies》2018,51(1):127-140
When Reza Shah died in exile in Johannesburg, South Africa, in July 1944, he left in his account at Barclays Bank a deposit of £110,000, a considerable amount of money. Yet when he went into exile only three years earlier, Reza Shah feared he would be hard-pressed for money, if not left altogether destitute—and with good reason. He left Iran with a “horde” of progeny, family members and retainers. Before departing, he had ceded all his enormous wealth in cash and property to his son and successor. He did not remain destitute for long. His son, the new shah, continued to send him money, and for a while the British paid for a major part of his upkeep. Yet his money anxieties did not cease. This article describes and follows the winding trail of Reza Shah’s finances in exile. 相似文献
46.
Iran's Shortsighted Policies in Iraq: Between Inflaming and Containing of Radical Sunni Islam: 2003–2015
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Ronen A. Cohen PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2018,27(1):34-52
The main goal of the 2003 war with Iraq of the coalition forces led by the United States was to topple Saddam Hussein's regime and establish a new political system that would adopt democratic practices. Iran, a country that deemed Saddam's regime to be a threat, considered this war to be very helpful in many ways — first because it put an end to Clinton's “dual containment” approach and would thus help Iran to become a regional superpower at Iraq's expense. Second, a war with Iraq could put an end to the decades of oppression of the Shi'a community in Iraq. This article argues that Iran's involvement in Iraq's internal affairs created chaos in Iraq and contributed to the sectarian conflict against Sunni terror groups, notably the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), also known by the Arabic name Daesh, a terror group with the most extreme form of Sunni Radical Islam ever known. The sectarian conflict that resulted from the above is now taking place between the Sunnis and the Shi'a of both Persian and Arab backgrounds and this clash could not have become as radical as it is without Iran's aggressive foreign policy. It should, however, be noted that Iran is not the sole player in the country and therefore its part in inflaming sectarian conflicts should be viewed through a realistic prism that allows other forces — domestic and foreign — to be seen as having influenced the events for their benefit. 相似文献
47.
48.
49.
50.