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In the first decades of the State of Israel an elitist group of scientists and scholars from academic institutions organized itself into a powerful status group. Its members participated in the establishment and development of programs and processes that had a significant impact on Israeli society. The power of this group (which we term “scientific strategists”) derived from personal and institutional cooperation between its members and leading political figures who had a strong influence on its agenda. This interaction was based on mutual trust and loyalty and contributed to establishing the infrastructure for the main political tradition at that time – mamlakhtiyut (the centrality of state interests). The article examines the activities of the scientific strategists, their ability to participate in government institutions without forfeiting their academic bases, and the ways in which political leaders promoted their symbolic status, financially supported their scientific activity, and endowed them with rewards and public recognition.  相似文献   
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The paper traces the historical roots of anti-mobility discourse in Israel and examines the changing policies and practices geared towards the prevention of mass Jewish departure during its first decade of statehood. It identifies two distinct phases in the battle waged against international mobility, under the headings of ‘Legalism’ (1948–1953) and ‘Symbolism’ (1954–1958). While the former was led by official agencies of the young state and required the passing of laws and other administrative decrees, the latter was mainly a society-led campaign of ad-hoc symbolic practices by groups seeking to de-legitimize international mobility and emigration in particular. Despite their qualitative differences, both were instrumental to the national identity formation project in postindependence Israel, assisting in the construction and maintenance of (physical and cultural) boundaries between Jews in Israel and others – both Diaspora Jews and non-Jews.  相似文献   
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The Ma?agan Mikhael B shipwreck was found in 1.5m of water, beneath 1.5m of sand, 70m off the Mediterranean coast of Israel. The hull remains are in a good state of preservation, comprising the endposts, aprons, framing timbers, hull planks, stringers, and bulkheads. The finds comprise rigging elements, wooden artefacts, organic finds, animal bones, glassware, coins, bricks, stones, ceramic sherds, and complete amphoras. The shipwreck was dated to the 7th–8th centuries AD; which makes it an exceptional source of information regarding various aspects of ship construction, seamanship, and seafaring in the area in Late Antiquity.  相似文献   
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A large literature argues that approval affects presidential legislative success, but Washington observers often believe that legislative success leads to higher presidential approval ratings, that is, success and approval may be endogenous. This article tests for the endogeneity of approval and success. After building a theory that links success to higher approval, annual aggregate data from 1953–2011 are used to test for the endogeneity between approval and success. All statistical tests indicate that approval and success affect each other. This article concludes by putting the findings into perspective and suggesting new research directions.  相似文献   
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Shaul Cohen   《Political Geography》2007,26(8):951-967
Ethno-territorial conflict is a common feature of human affairs, and efforts to understand and mitigate its impacts require an examination of how peoples, communities, and nations “lose;” specifically, what happens as and after they lose in terms of their relationship with place and space, and the associated effects on self and community identity. This article examines recent Apprentice Boys of Derry parades in Northern Ireland as a mechanism by which a community that has lost control of symbolically significant space seeks to demonstrate an ongoing attachment to critical places. Twice-yearly parades allow Protestants to narrate their experience in the town of Derry/Londonderry as a victory, despite circumstantial evidence which suggests otherwise. The ability to claim victory through parading provides members of the Apprentice Boys organization with a raison d'etre, and serves in place of an aggressive agenda to regain control of territorial icons. The article draws upon extensive fieldwork, including interviews with key figures on both sides of the sectarian divide, and explores the nature of the community and the evolution of its parades as Protestants have lost influence in the town since the onset of Northern Ireland's Troubles. It suggests that, in the study of ethno-territorial conflicts, attention should be paid to the tactics of those who lose hegemony, as their actions affect the potential for conflict management and the likelihood of ongoing strife.  相似文献   
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Having been adopted by legislatures in over a dozen states, postsecondary merit aid programs are largely concentrated in the southeastern United States. The observed clustering pattern seems to support previous evidence that policies spread between proximate states, a phenomenon referred to by political scientists as policy diffusion. Often, however, policy diffusion is not complete, and one or more states in a region fail to adopt. By interviewing policymakers throughout the southeastern United States—including actors in the three states in the region without merit aid—the study addresses the following question: Why do diffusion pressures lead to adoption in some states but not in others? Studying state “hold‐outs” promises not only to uncover the reasons for failed legislation in specific state contexts but also to better our understanding of the limits of diffusion theory.  相似文献   
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