Human Agency and Impersonal Determinants in Historical Causation: A Response to David Lindenfeld

Lindenfeld's proposed reclassification of causes—offered in lieu of a chaos theory applicable to history—yields paradoxical results when applied to the developments that installed Hitler in power, since these would have to rank as "constraining" rather than "empowering" because of his lack of control over them. The "principle of sensitive dependence," while an admirable aspiration, proves a counsel of perfection beyond reach of the historian when applied to those same events. As to historical explanations in terms of structural, impersonal determinants, these remain ascendant, to the neglect of human agency. Narrative history, which alone can account for both remote and immediate causes, continues to be unfashionable. Explanations in terms of structures and impersonal forces, which can only imply causation, are attractive because they offer historians wide scope for exercise of erudition and arrive at determinants that appear larger and more powerful than mere actions of humans. Where profound developments are to be explained, such interpretations conform to the assumption that their causes must have been profound. Yet countless turning-points in history, including Hitler's installation in power, were decisively shaped by acts of a few persons. The frustrating difficulty of accounting for individual behavior contributes to the appeal of impersonal, structural explanations. These tend, however, toward a deterministic view of the past which awakens the impression that what happened had to happen. That obscures the openness of past situations and rules out assignment of personal responsibility to individuals, who seem mere pawns of forces beyond their control. A remedy for such deterministic tendencies lies in counterfactual analysis, which, by drawing attention to feasible, but unrealized, alternatives to what happened, can convey the open-ended qualities of past situations and the importance of contingency.     

NGOs,Civil Society,and the State in Bangladesh: The Politics of Representing the Poor

The established rhetoric of opposition between state and NGOs as development agents has shifted to one of complementarity and common interest. Along with this, the ‘comparative advantage’ claimed for NGOs has expanded from economic and welfare benefits to encompass also the political goods of civil society and popular participation. This paper reviews these developments in the context of Bangladesh. It argues that they need to be assessed critically in ways which are both theoretically informed and locally contextualized. While recognizing that there are, indeed, areas of common experience and interest between the state and NGOs in Bangladesh, it questions whether these necessarily coincide with the interests of those they all invoke: the poor.     

Configuring Who Does What in Watershed Management: The Massachusetts Watershed Initiative

The goal of the Massachusetts Watershed Initiative (MWI) is to use a watershed approach to restore and maintain the integrity of state waters. The MWI is presented as an effort to bring about the convergence of the agendas of government, the informed public, and the general public. In the planning phase of the MWI's pilot project in the Neponset River Watershed, government and the informed public successfully struggled to create a joint basin-wide action plan. Stronger outreach is needed to involve the broader public and to engage local municipalities and businesses more fully.     

Marked occupational dental abrasion from medieval Kent

A medieval male skeleton displays marked dental abrasion which is considered to be occupational, possible related to carpentry. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Democratic constraint and embrace: Implications for progressive non-government advocacy organisations in Australia

The advocacy work of non-government organisations can be either constrained or embraced by government attitudes and practices. Although it is widely accepted that NGOs are an essential component of a healthy and robust democracy, serving as essential intermediaries between community and government, and providing a voice for marginalised groups to make claims on governments between elections, the current dominance of the public choice paradigm in public administration has seen the legitimacy of NGOs come under attack. Questions have been raised about the representativeness of NGOs and the legitimacy of their standing as policy advocates. As a result of this shift many disadvantaged groups that had taken years to organise themselves sufficiently to have a voice have found themselves increasingly constrained and excluded from the policy-making process. The threats that many NGOs are now facing have the effect of reducing government accountability, sustaining existing inequities and, ultimately, diminishing the quality of Australian democracy.     

Luritja Management of the State

In the Central Australian community of Amunturrngu the Luritja management of the State is not only subversive to the development of representative democracy and a capitalist economy, but this discourse of (dis)engagement empowers community members. This offers autonomy, albeit marginal, from the mainstream. The ‘problem of the cultural’ emerges in this engagement and the production of meaning requires enunciating the ‘third space‘: the ambivalent space of the cultural interface. Within this post‐settlement space certain modalities have been reformulated to structure a complex locality that defies the reification of social structures that anthropology so readily draws. How do people operate in this space and what type of person is most active here? The theoretical tools for this examination of Amunturrngu's engagement with the State are taken from political anthropology and post‐colonial theory.     

The Supreme Court, Separation of Powers, and the Protection of Individual Rights during Periods of War or National Security Emergency

To paraphrase Lincoln, there is little that I could say on the history of the Supreme Court's handling of civil-liberties issues during periods of war or national emergency that could add or detract from the truly masterly job Chief Justice William Rehnquist has already done in All the Laws But One . ¹ I highly recommend that book to any who have not yet read it. Because the Chief Justice has provided such an outstanding overview of the subject, I shall depart a bit from what I might otherwise have said on this topic.     

The use of SEM-EDS,PIXE and EDXRF for obsidian provenance studies in the Near East: a case study from Neolithic Çatalhöyük (central Anatolia)

In this paper we evaluate the relative analytical capabilities of SEM-EDS, PIXE and EDXRF for characterizing archaeologically significant Anatolian obsidians on the basis of their elemental compositions. The study involves 54 geological samples from various sources, together with an archaeological case study involving 100 artifacts from Neolithic Çatalhöyük (central Anatolia). With each technique the artifacts formed two compositional groups that correlated with the East Göllü Da? and Nenezi Da? sources. The non-destructive capabilities of these methods are emphasized (albeit with certain analytical limitations in the case of SEM-EDS), suggesting important new techniques for Near Eastern obsidian provenance studies.