Social Spaces of Daily Life: A Reflexive Approach to the Analysis of Chemical Residues by Multivariate Spatial Analysis

Studying human activities requires an examination of the inherent epistemological problems in building arguments about the past based on chemical residues and modern observations. A reflexive approach to the analysis of chemical residues at the San Lucas archaeological site, a Classic Hohokam settlement located in Marana, Arizona, represents a unique opportunity to evaluate current techniques and paradigms for the interpretation of daily life activities. By incorporating an innovative program rooted in satellite remote sensing image analysis and spatial statistics, including new techniques, such as bulk density, loss on ignition, electrical conductivity, and salinity, results suggest that soil chemical analysis will benefit more from learning about structure and agency than from one single activity.     

REVIEW

The Forest of Taboos: Morality, Hunting and Identity among the Huaulu of the Moluccas By Valerio Valeri . Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press. 2000. Pp. xxiii +509     

The Modi lahar (wave) in the 2014 Indian national election: A critical realignment?

In India's 2014 general election, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured an outright majority of seats, the first time any party has done so since 1984. This has led to claims that this is a ‘critical’ or ‘realigning’ election. Yet, most Indian elections are initially described as ‘critical’ elections, which suggests that this concept needs to be further refined to be analytically useful in India's electorally volatile and regionalised political context. This commentary conceptualises critical elections in India as those that enable the winning party to build lasting regional social coalitions. Such coalitions need to be consolidated in subsequent elections for a realignment to take place. A mastery of regional politics was crucial to the BJP's 2014 win, which does mark this as a potentially realigning election. Yet, questions remain about its ability to consolidate the coalitions that delivered this result.

2014年的普选中,印度人民党获得了绝对多数的议席,破了1984以来各政党的记录。这被看作一次“关键性”的、改弦易辙的选举。不过,印度的选举一开始也多被说成“关键性”的选举。所以,这个概念尚需推敲,以便能够用来分析印度变幻不定的选情以及地区化的政情。本文将印度的“关键性”选举界定为获胜党得建立长久的地区社会联盟。这个联盟需要在日后的选举中加固,才谈得上改弦易辙。把握好地区政治对于人民党2014年选举的胜利至关重要,它使得这次选举成为潜在的改弦易辙。但它是否有能力加固联盟以释放改弦易辙的效果,则还是一个问题。     

Book reviews

THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE BRITISH LABOUR GOVERNMENT 1945–1951, by M. A. Fitzsimmons. University of Notre Dame Press, 1953.

DEMOGRAPHIC YEARBOOK, 1952; United Nations Statistical Office; New York, 1952.

SEARCH AFTER SUNRISE, by Vera Britain, 1951; London, Macmillan; pp. 271.

GOVERNMENTAL POLICIES CONCERNING UNEMPLOYMENT, INFLATION AND BALANCE OF PAYMENTS, 1951–2. United Nations publication, November, 1952; pp. viii and 135; price one U.S. dollar.

THE STATE THE ENEMY, by Sir Ernest Benn. Benn, London, 1953; pp. 175; price 12/6 (stg.).

CONGRESS. ITS CONTEMPORARY ROLE, by Earnest S. Griffith; New York University Press; New York, 1951; pp. vii and 191; 3.50 U.S. dollars.     

Nested or exclusive? The role of identities on blame attribution during the Great Recession

Despite an increasing number of studies assessing the importance of institutions as regards to accountability, it still remains to be known whether and how an individual's national and regional identity shapes the attribution of responsibilities in multi‐level settings. By focusing on the economic crisis that affected Europe since 2008, we argue that identity‐based assessments of responsibility for the crisis will occur solely among individuals who hold exclusively national or regional identities and who live in regions that have nationalist aspirations. This will be in contrast to individuals that have exclusively identities who live in regions that lack nationalist aspirations, as well as dual‐identity individuals, irrespective of where they live. We test our arguments by using data from Catalonia and Madrid (Spain) and Bavaria and Lower Saxony (Germany). In line with our expectations, our results show that, in minority nationalist regions such as Catalonia, an individual's identity will crucially determine which level of government is blamed for the economic crisis, while this will not occur in regions with no nationalist aspirations. The article reveals the existence of an additional determinant of blame attribution in some specific multi‐level arrangements and contributes to the understanding of the tensions between identity politics and blame avoidance.     

Morphometric Analysis of the Yellow Clam (Amarilladesma Mactroides) to Interpret Fragmentary Archaeological Specimens

Mollusks were an important component in the diet of the hunter-gatherer groups that inhabited the coastal zones of South America during the Holocene, as recorded in the littoral shell and archaeological sites distributed from Brazil to Argentina. Although the shells are relatively resistant to physical and chemical agents, they are also fragile and various post-depositional processes affect their integrity. Puente de Fierro is an archaeological site located in the south of Buenos Aires province (Argentina), in which remains of the yellow clam (Amarilladesma mactroides) were recovered totally fragmented. We investigate if a morphometric model based on modern clams could be applied to estimate shell size and individual biomass of archaeological clams. Linear regression models reveal a high correlation between the chondrophore length and the shell length, and therefore, the individual biomass of the yellow clam.     

Choosing Sides in the Global Cold War: Switzerland,Neutrality, and the Divided States of Korea and Vietnam

This article examines neutral Switzerland's recognition policy towards the divided states of Korea and Vietnam. Drawing comparisons with other neutrals, notably Austria and Sweden, allows us to assess the credibility of neutrality in the Global Cold War. All three neutrals explicitly or implicitly aimed to reinforce their neutrality through the principle of universality, which entailed the recognition of all regimes, no matter their political couleur. Yet this principle was not applied consistently, but rather pragmatically. Until the beginning of the 1970s, Switzerland, as well as Austria and Sweden, favoured the Western-oriented over the Communist halves of Korea and Vietnam. Thereby, this article argues, they undermined the credibility of neutrality. They were, however, willing to take that risk, because they feared that the recognition of North Korea and North Vietnam could irritate the United States, and provoke East German claims for recognition, which was undesirable due to the Hallstein doctrine and West Germany's economic weight. It was only with the rise of the Third World as a political force, and the softening of the US position that the neutrals, which saw themselves in competition with each other for status and influence, eventually recognised North Korea and North Vietnam.