全文获取类型
收费全文 | 157篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
163篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 1篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 12篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 16篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 14篇 |
2007年 | 15篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
1965年 | 1篇 |
1962年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有163条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
WILLIAM WALKER 《International affairs》2010,86(2):447-464
The example of the UK is used to explore two linked ideas relevant to the current international politics of nuclear weapons: that of the threshold state, whereby a state moves from possession to non‐possession of weapons rather than in the opposite direction; and that of responsible nuclear sovereignty, adapting the notion of responsible sovereignty to the nuclear context. The UK regards itself as an exemplar of responsible nuclear sovereignty and is closest to the disarmament threshold, being driven closer by military and economic stresses. Nuclear disarmament will require all nuclear‐armed states to approach and cross this threshold, a journey assisted albeit ambiguously by the shared practice and norms of responsible nuclear sovereignty. Yet the nine nuclear‐armed states' relations to the threshold differ markedly, raising more questions about the feasibility of the popular model of coordinated disarmament. Although coordination remains desirable, the UK seems more likely to abandon its nuclear force by deciding that ‘enough is enough’ than through the conclusion of a grand multilateral initiative. 相似文献
62.
63.
JOAN W. SCOTT 《History and theory》2011,50(2):203-209
Natalie Davis is a quintessential storyteller in the way theorized by Walter Benjamin, Hannah Arendt, and Michel de Certeau. Her work decenters history not simply because it grants agency and so historical visibility to those who have been hidden from history or left on its margins, but also because her stories reveal the complexities of human experience and so challenge the received categories with which we are accustomed to thinking about the world. 相似文献
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
SIR WILLIAM Mc KAY 《Parliamentary History》2010,29(1):129-135
Initially the model for the speakership of the US house of representatives could not but be drawn from Westminster, though the occupants of the chair in the Commons around the time of independence were not impressive. Not however till Henry Clay's election in 1812 was the American Speaker transformed into a partisan, politically-active leader of the House. The contemporary Commons Speaker, Manners Sutton, though he failed to be re-elected to the chair on political grounds, was not a party leader. Between Clay and the civil war the intensity of party conflict obscured the role of the Speaker, and minorities flourished. Speaker Reed in the 1880s believed in the rights of the majority and used the authority of the chair to promote them. He ended the practice of members delaying business by refusing to answer a roll-call though present, and he developed special rules to accelerate the progress of bills. About the same time, Speaker Brand in the Commons, in the face of Irish obstructionism, also reasserted the rights of the majority by introducing the closure, to which guillotines were later added. Reed's authoritarianism broke in the hands of Speaker Cannon in 1909–10 as progressive members of his party rebelled. By then the Commons speakership had entered a period of complete political neutrality. Speakers O'Neill and Gingrich in the last quarter of the 20th century regained much of the power and authority which Cannon's speakership had lost. 相似文献