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John Pendlebury Tim Townshend Rose Gilroy 《International Journal of Heritage Studies》2013,19(1):11-31
Debates about the socially inclusionary potential of heritage have to date focused principally on heritage sites and museums. Relatively little attention has been paid to the wider Cultural Built Heritage (CBH) that surrounds us in our everyday lives. This paper starts with a brief theoretical exploration of the social role of heritage and the key policy background. Then, based on an understanding of policy and action in England, this paper sets out a framework for considering how this wider CBH might contribute to social inclusion. A fundamental binary divide is made between the role of CBH as historic places and opportunity spaces in which regeneration may occur. However, in neither case is action necessarily socially inclusive. The paper concludes that a greater clarity of objectives and definitions is necessary if CBH is to meet its potential to be socially inclusionary. 相似文献
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Melody Rose 《政策研究杂志》2001,29(4):611-626
Political scientists have debated the causes of divided government since the Reagan administration. In addition, a handful of scholars have also pondered the possible consequences of divided party rule for politics and policy. Still, one serious oversight in the divided'government literature is the potential consequences of divided party rule for the types of policy pursued during divided and unified party regimes. Divided government may create incentives for conflicting institutions to use social regulation debates, often considered the most divisive public policy debates, as "wedges" in order to damage the opposing party in future elections. Each party also has an incentive to embrace social regulation in order to reaffirm its allegiance to its core constituency. This article tests the hypothesis that divided government produces more important social regulation votes than unified government. I define the population of important votes as all Key Votes in the House of Representatives from 1953 to 1998. The data analysis reveals that important social regulation votes are in fact more prominent during eras of divided government than during unified party control. This finding has potential implications for the tenor of our national politics as well as the public trust. 相似文献
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Rose Whitau Dorcas Vannieuwenhuyse Emilie Dotte-Sarout Jane Balme Sue O’Connor 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》2018,25(3):739-776
The manipulation of fire is a technological act. The identification of the archaeological signatures of the controlled use of fire has important implications not only for the estimations of the origins and functions of the first fireplaces but also for our understanding of prehistoric technological development and resource use. At Riwi (Kimberley region, Western Australia), excavations over two field seasons have revealed a discontinuous occupation sequence over the past 45 ka, showing numerous, different combustion features interspersed within the deposit. Anthracological and micromorphological investigations at Riwi Cave indicate that the combustion features at the site can be categorised into three types: flat combustion features (type A), dug combustion features (type B) and thick accumulations of mixed combustion residues (type C). These provide evidence for two kinds of combustion practice: (i) fires lit directly on the ground and most likely not re-used and (ii) ground ovens, the latter appearing some 10,000 years after the first evidence for occupation of the site. A comparison of the wood species identified within these combustion features with those from equivalent scattered context levels, enables an exploration of the potential factors influencing wood selection and fire use through time at the site. A detailed understanding of the relationship between wood charcoal remains and archaeological context yields significant information on changes to environmental context and site occupation patterns over time. 相似文献
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The concept of community as a way of describing a particular social reality has fallen into general disfavour, and geographers appear to have dropped the term almost entirely. Certain historians have refused to abandon it however, since “community” retains its popular emotional legitimacy and its meaning remains a central site of political struggle. To these writers, community is an imagined but none the less powerful discursive reality with material consequences too important to be ignored. Exploring this argument, this paper recovers the senses of community of people living in the east London borough of Poplar in the interwar period. Their strong attachment to neighbourhoods as communities is described and some explanations for it offered, and the political processes leading to a brief period of identification with their borough as a community are examined. The conclusion stresses the specificity of these imaginings of community, their precariousness and their politics, and notes the need for geographers not to work with definitions of a community meaningless to its inhabitants. 相似文献