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The article addresses the following questions: How newsworthy were the global unrests as phenomena and which areas did the Norwegian press focus on? Did the global protest become a part of the Norwegian media agenda in 1968? Did the party commitments of the selected newspapers influence their reporting of protests and revolts as phenomena? Which of the Norwegian newspapers had the most extensive coverage of the protests and revolts? Furthermore, with respect to the Nordic countries: Did geographical and cultural proximity to events in Scandinavia lead to a more comprehensive coverage of these events? Based on a quantitative analysis of the total coverage of demonstrations, strikes and riots in selected Norwegian dailies in 1968, this article disputes Galtung and Ruge's Galtung, Johan and Ruge, Mari Holmboe. 1965. ‘The Structure of Foreign News’.. Journal of Peace Research, 2(1): 6490. [Crossref] [Google Scholar] classical hypothesis about geographical and cultural proximity as one of the most important news criteria.  相似文献   
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The geographic determinants of social and economic opportunity have received much scholarly attention. A missing link in this body of research is an emphasis on the range of factors influencing low‐income households’ exposure to neighborhood poverty over time. This paper examines the dynamics of exposure to neighborhood poverty for Moving to Opportunity (MTO) program participants. Our paper is unique in its emphasis on the role of vehicle access as it shapes exposure to neighborhood poverty. We find that vehicle access is an important factor shaping residential spells and transitions to low‐poverty neighborhoods over time. We also find that the combined influence of a geographically‐targeted residential mobility requirement and vehicle access substantially elevates a household's likelihood of accessing and staying in a low‐poverty neighborhood. These findings suggest that residential mobility programs and similar efforts to spatially deconcentrate poverty should pay particular attention to the transportation needs of low‐income households.  相似文献   
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Im Oktober 2000 führte die BAG zum zehnten Mal die über die Grenzen des Einzelhandels bekannte Untersuchung „Kundenverkehr” in mehr als hundertfünfzig deutschen St?dten durch. In Kooperation mit der Swiss Retail Federation sowie mit Unterstützung der femged (European Federation of Medium-size and Major Retailers) wurde die Untersuchung erstmals auch in der Schweiz und in ?sterreich durchgeführt. Es beteiligten sich insgesamt 463 Unternehmen an der Untersuchung, die knapp 9,5 Mio. Besucher gez?hlt haben und davon mehr als 360.000 Kunden nach bestimmten Parametern befragten. Die Daten für Deutschland wurden, wie in den Jahren zuvor, vom Institut für Handelsforschung an der Universit?t K?ln ausgewertet. Die Zahlen der Untersuchung in der Schweiz und ?sterreich wurden von der wirtschafts- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Beratungsgesellschaft ECON-Consult in K?ln zusammengetragen und analysiert.  相似文献   
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Tripartite‐arrangements between state, unions and employers associations played a prominent role in the theory and practice of corporatism, with incomes policy at national level providing the paradigm for this approach. Now the focus has changed. Concepts of meso‐corporatism have gained significance in research on interest groups; alternative modes of political‐economic governance in general, and problems of industrial restructuring in particular, have become central to the discussion. Accordingly, important contributions have come from industrial and economic sociology and from the theory of the state, marking a distinctive expansion of the analytical framework. At the same time, studies of meso‐corporatism have neglected the regional perspective in favour of sectoral studies. This paper undertakes to remedy this by examining the governance of industrial adjustment through industrial policy in three Länder of the Federal Republic of Germany. The three cases can be considered as different variants of meso‐corporatism: ‘Corporate’ corporatism in Baden‐Württemberg; ‘staged’ corporatism in North Rhine‐Westphalia; ‘situative’ corporatism in Saxony. In its final part the paper raises questions on the conditions for those arrangements and the prerequisites for their continuance.  相似文献   
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In view of the negative connotations associated with conspiracy theories, what have been the effects of the term's entry into popular vocabulary in the second half of the twentieth century? Has the ascendancy of the term “conspiracy theory” been correlated with a reluctance to allege conspiracy? In this article, the authors use Hansard, the record of British parliamentary debates, as a source of empirical data in demonstrating a significant and steady reduction in the number of conspiracy claims advanced in parliament; a pattern consistent with the broader marginalization of conspiracy rhetoric. This trend was reinforced by a trope that established itself in the 1980s and juxtaposed “conspiracies” with “cock-ups.” The British expression “cock-up” denotes a blunder or act of incompetence. In the second part of this article, the authors argue that the preference for “cock-up theories” over “conspiracy theories” reflects how a policy geared towards privatization and deregulation tended to characterize government action in terms of incompetence, and not of malfeasance.  相似文献   
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The emergence of culture and cultural evolution is the result of an evolutionary process, evident also in non‐human species. What is specifically human is the dominance of cultural evolution. This does not mean that cultural evolution has replaced organic evolution, but rather that both have merged into one coevolutionary complex. Through niche construction, organic modern humans are the product of cultural evolution. This cannot be explained by adaptation to natural environment or by sexual selection. Cultural evolution with its coevolved organic traits did not so much enhance competence towards the natural environment as it did competence to develop and maintain cooperation. In the process, culture became a “system” with its own imperatives and integrating forces, differentiating into several autopoietic subsystems: the symbolic‐cognitive subsystem, the economic subsystem and the political subsystem. There are however social‐metabolic constraints that put limits on their evolutionary degrees of freedom. Culture's autopoietic reach has adaptive boundaries. The concept of social metabolism attempts to capture the unity of “persons” in a physical‐biological sense and “culture” in a symbolic sense, the decisive point being that culture must be understood as an autopoietic system sui generis. The social‐metabolic system of relations and interactions between nature, human population and culture is inherently coevolutionary. The history of social metabolism is the history of the coevolution of two autopoietic systems – an open and blind non‐orthogenetic evolutionary process.  相似文献   
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