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Naofumi Fujita Roberta L. Klatzky Jack M. Loomis Reginald G. Golledge 《Geographical analysis》1993,25(4):295-314
We present a model that accounts for errors in short-cutting to complete a triangular pathway by individuals deprived of visual input. The model assumes that systematic error arises from components of navigation concerned with encoding an internal representation of the pathway, rather than the computation of a homeward trajectory or motor output per se. Subjects' tendency to compress the range of actually produced turns and distances, in comparison to the range of correct values, is attributed to regression toward the mean of encoded values during encoding of segments and turns, in the face of uncertainty about the actual values. Individual-subject variations are attributed to differences in the encoding-function parameters, not to variations in the processes themselves. The model provides excellent accounts of data obtained with triangular pathways but fares less well when pathway complexity increases, at which point errors do not appear to be solely attributable to encoding processes. The sources of error identified by the model are likely to play a role in navigation more generally. 相似文献
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Alexander Maxwell 《Central Europe》2018,16(1):29-50
During the nineteenth century, nationalists in Wales and Slovakia attempted to promote national goals by attempting to persuade English and Hungarian leaders to freely grant collective rights to the ‘subordinate’ nation. This strategy of ‘supplicant’ nationalism included effusive declarations of loyalty to the common state, exaggerated claims to moral superiority, and flattering comments about the ‘dominant’ nation. Supplicant nationalism closely resembles what Will Kymlicka called the struggle for ‘polyethnic rights’, but can still be seen as a form of nationalism. 相似文献
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Steffen Ganghof Sebastian Eppner Alexander Pörschke 《Australian journal of political science》2018,53(2):211-233
The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi-parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. 相似文献
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