RICHARD T. HARRISON 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》1985,76(5):332-344

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RICHARD T. HARRISON  TERENCE J. ANDERSON 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》1980,71(4):194-200

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RICHARD W. GARNETT 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2013,38(1):80-93

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RICHARD A. GIBB  WIESLAW Z. MICHALAK 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》1994,85(5):401-416

East-Central Europe (Hungary, Czecho-Slovakia and Poland) has been undergoing an extraordinary transformation of its political and economic structures. The ultimate objective of the newly resurrected and still fragile democracies is re-integration with global economy and Western Europe in all spheres of political, economic and social life. However, the success of this process depends not only on the policies implemented in ECE but also on the response and policies of the West and member countries of the European Community. Despite the officially declared support for the reform process, the EC and its organizations have been slow to develop a coherent strategy towards this region. The lack of a long-term strategy is apparent not only in the political but also in the economic sphere. The emerging political cleavages within the EC are reflected in the ambiguous approach it has adopted towards ECE and Eastern Europe in general. This article aims to survey and evaluate the EC's policies and economic initiatives towards the three countries of ECE since 1989. In particular, attention is focused on the nature and likely impact of the Association Agreements with the EC, the role of newly created Community financial institutions and mechanisms, and direct foreign investment and assistance in the privatization programme. We conclude that the future political and economic stability of ECE and Western Europe depends, to a large degree, on the ability of the EC's political and economic institutions to respond to the long-term challenge posed by changes in ECE and other regions of the former ‘Eastern Europe’.  相似文献   

    

RICHARD SAKWA 《Russian Review》2012,71(4):581-609

With the decline in traditional forms of structured ideological contestation in the post‐Cold War era, the role of conspiracy theories as a form of political discourse has been accentuated. The burgeoning literature on the subjects reflects the declining symbolic efficiency of the metanarratives of modernity. There is a long tradition of conspiracy theories in Russia, which has been intensified in recent years as a result of the tribulations following the collapse of communism. Cognate forms of conspiracy narratives represent broader social constructions of reality, and structure representations of national identity. In the Russo‐Georgian War of August 2008 various conspiracy narratives have taken the place of mythic representations, and the conflict on the battlefield has been accompanied by the clash of several major narratives. A similar process was firmly at work in the Balkan wars of the 1990s. In the case of the Caucasus, three main conspiracy theories, with endless subplots and details, have shaped narratives of events: A Russian version, a Georgian one, and a dominant Western one. The three intersect at various points, but differ in both detail and substance. The three reflect central paradigms of contemporary international politics, and thus the war has exposed the deeper substrata of geopolitical visions and a nascent revival of bloc politics.  相似文献   

  总被引：2，自引：1，他引：1  

RICHARD H. SPOOR 《Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy》1997,8(2):143-160

The distribution of lithic implements in the Arabian Gulf suggests two regions, each using a specific set of tools. It is argued here that this distinct pattern is the result of relations on various levels between several human population groups and not solely of ecological adaptions. Consequently, these contacts between indigenous groups might be held responsible, among others, for distributing goods, like'Ubaid pottery, initially brought along by Mesopotamian visitors from the Central Gulf down to the Lower Gulf.  相似文献   

    

RICHARD G. KUHN 《The Canadian geographer》1998,42(1):14-28

An environmental assessment of the Canadian Nuclear Fuel Waste Disposal Concept was initiated in 1989. The primary purpose of the assessment is to determine the technical feasibility of burying nuclear-fuel waste deep into the Canadian Shield. If deemed acceptable, a second phase of facility siting will commence. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the social and political dimensions of nuclear-fuel waste management in Canada. It is contended that nuclear-fuel waste management transcends technical concerns, and that the ultimate success or failure of siting procedures is hinged on social and political acceptability. Data focusing on various facets of a nuclear-fuel waste disposal facility were collected from a sample of residents from three northern Ontario communities. Results demonstrate that there is a strong relationship between facility acceptability, risk perception, and distance from community. On the basis of these findings, it is contended that a regional siting approach needs to be developed and implemented to ensure that concerns over the viability of nuclear power, equity, and trust are incorporated and granted legitimacy in the management of nuclear-fuel waste. Une évaluation environnementale du concept d'élimination des déchets de combustible nucléaire au Canada a débuté en 1989. L'idée première de cette évaluation est de déterminer la faisabilité d'enfouir les déchets de combustible nucléaire dans le Bouclier canadien. Si l'on estime que c'est possible, une deuxième phase dans le choix d'un emplacement d'enfouissement débutera. Le but de cet exposé est d'évaluer les dimensions sociale et politique qu'entraînent la gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire au Canada. On dit que la gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire va au-delà des préoccupations techniques et que le succès ou l'échec des procédures de choix d'emplacement dépendent aussi de l'acceptabilité sociale et politique. Les données portant sur différentes facettes d'élimination des déchets de combustible nucléaire ont été recueillies auprès de résidents sélectionnés dans trois communautés du nord de l'Ontario. Les résultats ont montré qu'il existait un lien très fort entre l'acceptabilité des installations, la perception de risque qu'elles entraînaient et la distance qui les en séparait de la communauté. Sur la base de ces constatations, on a avancé, quant au choix d'un emplacement, qu'il fallait envisager une approche sur le plan régional pour assurer qu'en matière de gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire, on reconnaisse de manière légitime les préoccupations touchant à la viabilité de cette énergie.  相似文献   

    

RICHARD M. AUTY 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》1996,87(5):419-430

Mass production technology began to confer comparative advantage in auto assembly on newly industrializing economies (NIES) in the 1980s, but the economies of scale and scope of the firm remain significant. Most NIE entrants face home markets which are still too small to support a single world scale firm. Their entry into auto assembly was premature and it has created pressure to prolong state support for the ‘infant’ sector. This, in turn, has led to policy capture, the Achilles heel of industrial policy, which can result in substantial welfare losses. Korea suggests that the maturation of auto assembly may proceed faster if governments confine themselves to promoting domestic assemblers through strategic alliances with global firms, using anti-trust mechanisms to prevent abuses of market power.  相似文献   

A CLARIFICATION OF CARRYING CAPACITY FORMULAE     

RICHARD FEACHEM 《Geographical Research》1973,11(2):234-236

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Fireship: the terror weapon of the age of sail – By Peter Kirsch     

RICHARD BARKER 《International Journal of Nautical Archaeology》2011,40(1):217-218

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