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62.
63.
美黛博拉·布罗蒂加姆 《百年潮》2012,(10):76-78
中国真像莫塞斯·奈姆在《纽约时报》撰文指出的那样,是一个“流氓捐助者”吗?我并不这么认为。中国在非洲的崛起是有些人担心的理由,但这没有必要引起那些将中国的援助和参与谴责为不稳定因素,认为它们对治理有害,不会帮助非洲摆脱贫困的人的惊慌与恐惧。许多对中国援助与参与的惊慌和恐惧都是建立在错误信息基础上的,并且所发出的警告与事实是不相符的。中国的援助额并不巨大,传统捐助者向非洲提供的援助要多得多。一些媒体或其他研究者所公布的“援助”数额严重误导了民众。比如,美联社在2008年一篇报道中称中国总理说自开始援助计划以来,中国共向非洲提供了“440多亿美元的援助”,实际上,中国总理说的是440亿人民币(57亿美元)。 相似文献
64.
绪论。首先要说明的是,本稿选取的约120种研究明初至19世纪上半叶(鸦片战争前后)的论著中,有关中国与其他地区关系的研究成果占到半数以上。这种潮流的出现,很可能是受到“东亚海域交流与日本传统文化的形成”(东京大学“特定领域研究”)、“东亚文化交涉学”(关西大学“全球化COE”)等大型研究计划的影响,但仅此也并不足以阐明其根本原因。 相似文献
65.
In recent years, several middle-income countries, including Chile, Mexico and Uruguay, have increased the availability of early childhood education and care (ECEC) services. These developments have received little scholarly attention so far, resulting in the (surely unintended) impression that Latin American social policy is tied to a familialist track, when in reality national and regional trends are more varied and complex. This article looks at recent efforts to expand ECEC services in Chile and Mexico. In spite of similar concerns over low female labour force participation and child welfare, the approaches of the two countries to service expansion have differed significantly. While the Mexican programme aims to kick-start and subsidize home- and community-based care provision, with a training component for childminders, the Chilean programme emphasizes the expansion of professional ECEC services provided in public institutions. By comparing the two programmes, this article shows that differences in policy design have important implications in terms of the opportunities the programmes are able to create for women and children from low-income families, and in terms of the programmes’ impacts on gender and class inequalities. It also ventures some hypotheses about why the two countries may have chosen such different routes. 相似文献
66.
This article explores the tensions between aid funding and grassroots development goals in the context of post-disaster fisheries reconstruction in Aceh, Indonesia. We argue that both short- and long-term grassroots goals are distorted by upward accountability requirements which lead to unsatisfactory aid outcomes. Our analysis employs the concept of aid webs and draws on fifty-one formal interviews with stakeholders in Aceh in 2007/2008. The findings initially concentrate on the impacts of upward accountability on project cycles, with a particular focus on the problematic incorporation of private boat-building contractors and commercial values during the implementation phase. We then discuss the more subtle, long-term impacts of upward accountability on the professionalization of community institutions — in this case, the Panglima Laot Lhok. We conclude with a few observations about the hybrid institutions — combining elements of local and development cultures — that are produced within the current political economy of aid. 相似文献
67.
Freestone R 《Journal of urban history》2011,37(2):256-277
In the history of city planning, the dichotomy between the aesthetic aspirations of the City Beautiful and City Practical movements is overstated. The aesthetic impulse did not disappear but persisted as an important thread through the development of comprehensive planning approaches into the 1920s. The nexus between beauty and utility was negotiated and expressed across four main discourses: broad social improvement, aesthetic functionality, economic rationality, and holistic design. Ultimately, beauty became wedded to utility within the very nature of the comprehensive city plan itself. The work of the leading city planner John Nolen is central to an understanding of these historic continuities and informed the early evolution of city planning theory and practice. Nolen’s challenge to the City Beautiful paradigm, while still retaining an artistic sensibility, reaestheticizes scholars’ appreciation of the City Practical. 相似文献
68.
Hansen R 《German history》2011,29(3):365-379
This introduction proceeds in five steps. First, it briefly considers the etymology of the term "suffering," as well as the way in which scholars from different disciplines have approached it conceptually and empirically. Second, drawing on the contributions to this issue, it raises general themes emerging from the study of the Thirty Years, Franco-Prussian and First World Wars, with particular attention to gender, the disabled, and Jewish-German veterans. Finally, it considers the most politically contested field of German suffering - the Second World War - and reflects on how that suffering can be narrated and understood without running into the intellectual dead ends of either self-pity or collective guilt. 相似文献
69.
Hillyer R 《The Public historian》2011,33(4):35-62
This article examines the Confederate Memorial Literary Society (CMLS), an organization of elite white women in Richmond, Virginia who founded the Confederate Museum in the 1890s. Faced with the plunder of Civil War relics and cultural homogenization on northern terms, the CMLS founded the Confederate Museum to document and defend the Confederate cause and to uphold the antebellum mores that the New South's business ethos threatened to erode. In the end, however, the museum's version of the Lost Cause served the New South. By focusing on military sacrifice, the Confederate Museum aided the process of sectional reconciliation. By depicting slavery as benevolent, the museum's exhibits reinforced the notion that Jim Crow was a just and effective means of managing postwar southern society. Lastly, by glorifying the common soldier and portraying the South as "solid," the museum promoted obedience to the mandates of industrial capitalism. Thus, the Confederate Museum both critiqued and eased the economic transformations of the New South. 相似文献
70.
论文广泛引用满蒙汉文史料,考证清初的巴克什号是从蒙古导入的事实。清太祖、太宗时期的巴克什不仅承担着文书工作,还参与战事。当时,巴克什只是一般性名号。巴克什变成正式的官名,是从1615年开始的。太宗年间几次采取措施,改革巴克什制度,明确其职掌。在清初满蒙同盟关系的建立过程中,库尔禅、希福等巴克什以中间人的身份,起到了重要作用。 相似文献