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81.
The recent revival of interest in the relationship between aristocratic and gentlemanly elites and the evolution of the British empire suggests the need for a revaluation of some of the ‘classical’ theorists of imperialism whom a number of prominent historians of British imperialism have acknowledged as important precursors. The major figures considered here are: Hobson, whose roots in British anti-aristocratic radicalism are being re-examined at present; Joseph Schumpeter whose early essay on imperialism is famous but whose later writings have received scarcely any attention at all; and Thorstein Veblen, the American social scientist. Arguably, the last produced a more complex and multi-layered theory of imperialism than either Hobson or Schumpeter but his work in this field is very little known in Britain. Norman Angell's ideas are also considered, not only because he had an influence upon some of Hobson's later writings but because he is a significant figure in his own right. The article ends with a few reflections on the present relevance of this strain of imperial thought.  相似文献   
82.
Evidence from the political career of Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya suggests that Africans took a constitutional rather than ‘ornamental’ view of the imperial monarchy. Far from accepting that majesty and aristocracy domesticated alien overrule, they expected the British monarchy to protect them against local colonial excess. Kenyatta's Gikuyu (Kikuyu) people had two grounds for this view. One was a sense of imperial history, in which land alienation in favour of white settlers was a form of oppression unthinkable in the days of Queen Victoria – a more equal past that the Crown ought to restore to them. The other was their projection on to the imperial stage of an indigenous sense of the reciprocal relations of advantage that should exist between wealthy patrons and loyal clients. Kenyatta's political strategy after the Second World War was conditioned by this Gikuyu constitutionalism.  相似文献   
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狄奥尼索斯与阿波罗的对立统一关系是尼采借助于古希腊的宗教和神话传说提出的一种艺术原则,但这种关系只是尼采应其时代的需要而做的一种创造,与两神在古希腊宗教体系中的实质关系还有一些差别。对古希腊的宗教来说,狄奥尼索斯崇拜不仅不是一个外来的因素,而且在时间上还早于阿波罗崇拜,两者之间的对立成分很少,而且存在着很多联系和相似性。同时,狄奥尼索斯与阿波罗通过这种联系,确立了彼此在古希腊宗教里的层次和地位。  相似文献   
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朝鲜王朝从中国获取书籍的数量、种类超过了以往任何时期。其从明朝获取书籍的途径一是由明廷赐给,二是由使臣在市场购买。与此同时,朝鲜王朝也重视对引进书籍的印制和传播,努力吸取书籍中蕴寓的思想理念、行为规范,从而使儒学在朝鲜半岛得到前所未有的传播。  相似文献   
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骑士制度是西欧中世纪社会的重要内容,它对中世纪社会的经济、政治、军事、生活方式、思想文化等都产生了深刻影响。由于它的存在,西欧中世纪社会具有许多与之相关的特征。  相似文献   
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本文尝试用现代的语言和概念评析公孙龙子的《指物论》,从而讨论中国古代对于定义的把握,特别是对于定义中殊相和共相的把握。由于定义是深刻思维的基础,因此,本文所讨论的本质问题是:在中国古代,是否在存过进行深刻思维的基础。  相似文献   
89.
中国历史上的"华夷"格局主要由于受到汉族和诸少数民族力量对比的影响而呈现出动态变化的过程。以"安史之乱"唐朝走向衰弱和周边多民族兴起为标志,传统的"华夷"格局受到破坏,儒家"华夷"观念和正统观念受到巨大冲击,这折射出中国多民族国家历史的曲折进程和儒家民族关系学说的嬗变轨迹。  相似文献   
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This paper attempts to explain the emergence and development of para-governmental organizations (bonyads) in Iran and demonstrate their contradictory position in the Iranian political economy. These organizations represent the dual power structure in Iran which reinforces the financial authority of religious leaders without accountability. By analyzing the functions of these organizations, the paper sets out to probe their economic policies in line with the government's populist macroeconomic policies. The paper demonstrates the adverse effects of these organizations on political development and economic reforms in the post-Khomeini era when the struggle for accountability soared.  相似文献   
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