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Much of the literature on assortative mating has centred on the social contexts of immigrant‐receiving countries in the West. This article examines ethnic assortative mating (endogamy) against rising volumes and intensity of migration within a multi‐ethnic lower middle‐income country. We used full enumeration data from the 2010 Indonesian Population Census to create a national dataset of husband–wife pairs (n = 47.8 million couples), and five subsets of married couples from provinces with the highest proportion of lifetime migrants: Riau, Riau Islands, Jakarta, East Kalimantan, and West Papua (n = 4.05 million). First, we examined the association between migration, group size, and endogamy at the provincial level. We found a negative association between internal migrant stock and endogamy across 33 provinces in Indonesia. Using endogamy as a proxy of the strength of ethnic boundaries, we have shown that accounting for group size at the provincial level changes the overall ranking of endogamy among ethnic groups. Second, drawing on the subsets of couples in the five provinces with the highest proportion of migrants in their population, we used multivariate analysis to examine how migration status correlates with the likelihood of endogamy at the individual level. Controlling for sex, group size, age, education, and religion, we found that the relationship between an individual's migration status and endogamy varies across the five provinces, reflecting the different nature and history of migration, and the ethno‐religious composition in these regions. 相似文献
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Alexandre Coello de la Rosa 《Colonial Latin American Review》2016,25(3):325-350
La mayoría de especialistas en la historia de la iglesia de las Filipinas reconocen el gobierno del arzobispo de Manila, fray Felipe Pardo (1677–1689), como uno de los más conflictivos de la historia del archipiélago. Sin embargo, poco o muy poco se ha escrito sobre las actividades políticas y económicas de sus capitulares, particularmente en lo que se refiere a los períodos de sedes vacantes. Frente a la imagen monolítica y triunfante que la historiografía modernista ha proporcionado del discurso tridentino, lo cierto es que hubo grietas, divergencias y conflictos derivados de su confrontación con la realidad local. Los prebendados no constituían un grupo socialmente homogéneo, sino caracterizado por intereses, identidades y lealtades móviles que dependían de contextos políticos y económicos. En este ensayo vamos a analizar las políticas civiles y eclesiásticas de los prebendados del cabildo catedralicio, haciendo especial énfasis en la conflictividad capitular que siguió a la muerte del arzobispo Pardo (1689) hasta finales del siglo XVII. 相似文献
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Pieter de Vries 《对极》2016,48(3):790-808
This article engages with the trajectory of urban participation in Recife, Brazil, from its start as a governance system aimed at ensuring the right of the poor to the city, to the introduction by the Workers’ Party of participatory budgeting. I argue that participation is used by the state in order to include populations within governmental structures while the poor struggle for the right to belong to the city. Drawing on Alain Badiou's ontology of multiplicity I contend that the urban situation is grounded in inconsistency, as manifested in the existence of a category of people who “sit at the edge of the void”, that neither is included nor belongs. I conclude that the popular mobilizations in Recife in the 1980s constituted a true emancipatory event that exposed the divisions of the city, the existence of a fundamental wrong, and that proclaimed the right of the excluded to the city. 相似文献
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Peter Minowitz 《Perspectives on Political Science》2016,45(3):147-162
Although diversity is constantly celebrated, the word is regularly used in a distorted if not dishonest manner. In connection with Fisher v. University of Texas and the 2003 Supreme Court cases involving the University of Michigan, for example, critics of racial preferences who promote color-blindness have been portrayed as enemies of “diversity.” Scrutinizing the recent explosion of racially themed campus protests reveals tendencies that are even more alarming. First, activists are demanding rapid increases in the hiring of minority faculty and staff while ignoring the antidiscrimination mandates imposed by the Civil Rights Act. Novel dangers to academic freedom and intellectual rigor, moreover, have been surfacing as student groups assert imperious authority over university affairs, threaten to squelch criticisms of Black Lives Matter, and demand that professors be evaluated for “microaggressions.” 相似文献
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