Sino–American relations: new changes and new challenges

Sino–American relations encompass a highly complex array of cooperative and competitive dimensions. Recently, they have evolved around the question of ‘China's rise’ or (as Chinese analysts would state it) ‘peaceful evolution’. This article surveys both the cooperative and competitive structural elements of this important bilateral relationship. It tracks recent transitions in that relationship, arguing that China's new-found status as a ‘responsible stakeholder’ in American eyes will present a new set of American expectations and new forms of strategic collaboration that will seriously test both sides’ policy creativity and ability to adapt to a rapidly changing global environment.     

1924-1927年中俄会议研究

俄国十月革命后,苏联曾两次发表对华宣言,表示愿放弃在华旧约特权。但在建交谈判时,加拉罕坚持必须谈判新约取代旧约。最后双方妥协成先议定解决悬案大纲,建交后再开正式会议,"在会议中"具体解决悬案。然而,应在一个月内召开、六个月内完成的会议,却迁延了一年三个月才勉强开幕,陆续召开之各分委员会,也因双方认知差距过大,无法达成共识,到1926年夏已大体停顿。迨张作霖搜查北京苏联大使馆,中苏外交关系实质断绝,"中俄会议"随之告终,未能获致任何具体成果。因此,苏联放弃在华特权之承诺,并未落实。     

高光谱成像技术在中国古代书画分析中的应用研究综述

中国古代书画，因其年代久远，递藏情况复杂，多数屡经裁切割补、修复重装，故而有很多历史信息或被叠摞或被遮蔽，导致今人不能以肉眼直接观察而获得，而纸绢接补，墨迹、颜料、印鉴的残损也为书画研究者带来诸多悬而未决的问题。近年来，高光谱技术作为一种非侵入式的光谱成像技术，已逐步应用于各类彩绘文物中，该技术可为中国古代书画研究和保护提供更丰富的信息。本工作以文献调研为基础，简要介绍了高光谱成像的原理及技术特点，对高光谱技术在中国古代书画研究的实践进行总结，梳理了国内外研究者利用高光谱技术在书画、档案及相关彩绘文物的增强显示、物质识别、虚拟修复方面的应用案例，以期为相关研究者提供参考借鉴。     

论殷墟铜器墓中陶器的使用方式

殷墟的高等级墓葬多是通过随葬的铜礼器来彰显其身份和地位。值得注意的是,铜器墓中或多或少还随葬有一定数量的陶器,以往学者似乎并未对随葬的陶器加以关注,只是一并将它们归人随葬品叙述了事,并未对这些陶器在随葬品组合中起到的作用做过多讨论^[1]。本文拟通过对殷墟铜器墓中陶器使用情况、陶器与铜礼器的配合使用方式     

知青个体回忆录撰写的思考

知青运动已成为历史。知青上山下乡,是新中国农业改革过程中非常独特而重要的内容。在此过程中,知青经受了严峻考验,付出了青春代价。知青所形成的人生感悟和人生经验,具有独特的内涵及意义,必须如实记载,存史资治。当前应大力倡导知青通过回忆,将当年的生产和生活片段记录下来,为以后的修志奠定基础。知青回忆,要充分利用集体的动力及智慧,正确选择有关对象与方法,确保真实与表达的科学,让社会能够接受,这样其价值才能体现出来。     

西夏语“头项”词义考

以往学界认为有关西夏汉文文献中的"头项"意为"头领、首领",也是西夏的一种军事组织,这一认识并不准确。传世汉文西夏文献中的"头项"乃是"头绪、种类"等义,而西夏文文献中的"头项"则是"事宜、事项"的意思,可以用作"同位语"。同一常用词在夏汉文本中词义的不对等,说明西夏语在词义衍生的思维模式层面与汉语是不一致的。     

江苏扬州宋宝祐城西城门外瓮城墙和瓮城壕的发掘

在配合扬州蜀岗古代城址城壕整治的考古发掘工作中,为了明确西城门外(西)侧瓮城墙的时代、瓮城墙与瓮城壕的距离及其与瓮城壕、主城壕的关系等问题,在2013~2015年期间,由中国社会科学院考古研究所、南京博物院、扬州市文物考古研究所联合组成的扬州唐城考古工作队,在扬州宋宝祐城西城门外侧瓮城墙上及瓮城墙北部东端各布设探沟1条,在瓮城墙外侧弧形低洼地带布设4条探沟进行了发掘,6条探沟合计发掘面积约300平方米,清理出了南宋晚期修建开挖的瓮城墙和瓮城壕,三期瓮城墙从早至晚分别厚约15.65、16.25、19.75米,瓮城壕宽约23.5米,瓮城墙外边缘距离瓮城壕内边线约26.8米。瓮城壕与主城壕不连通,瓮城墙和主城墙或互不连接。     

Migration,marginalization and metropolitaneity: negotiation of masculinities of Nepali drug users in Hong Kong

Many studies on men and masculinity have discussed how Asian male migrants who experience a ‘masculinity crisis’ negotiate their masculinity vis-à-vis dominant black and white masculinities in Western societies. Yet, few have discussed how they negotiate their masculinity in the Asian contexts. In this study, Nepalis have a tradition of transnational migration. Their transnational networks have facilitated the development of overseas Nepali communities. This research therefore aims to study the negotiation of masculinities of Nepali male heroin users, a marginalized group in Hong Kong. By using a qualitative mixed-methods approach, it is argued that their negotiation of masculinities is nuanced and relational; intersecting with race/ethnicity, social space, and generation. In the process, discursive resources in the cultural repertoire are utilized to construct alternative forms of masculinities in school, the workplace, and rehabilitation treatment. These masculinities are pluralistic and contingent, in relation to the transnational space and post-colonial situation of Hong Kong.     

Framing Food Policy: The Case of Raw Milk

Policies governing the sale of raw milk—making the sales of raw milk more permissive—are gaining traction on the legislative agendas of dozens of states. This paper examines one contributor to this movement on the policy agenda: the role of competitive framing. By combining theoretical approaches from policy studies and political psychology theories of competitive framing, we offer evidence supporting the recent relative success of raw milk activists in several state legislatures. Using an Internet survey‐based experiment with a sample size of 1,630 respondents from seven Midwestern states, we show that a frame emphasizing consumer choice and food freedom is more effective than the frame that dominates among the policy establishment, that emphasizing public health risks. This is true in both one‐sided and competitive framing contexts. We further show that those previously aware of this issue were less influenced by the public health frame than those naïve to the issue. Our results suggest that the pro‐raw milk movement may be making strides on the state policy agenda because their frames are more resonant among the public. We also highlight the advantages gained from considering psychological and policy processes simultaneously to understand policy change.     

Wealthy-gentry politics: How are capitalists in China chosen for the ‘Houses’?

Choosing individual private entrepreneurs to be members of the People's Congress (PC) or the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is one of the most important mechanisms for ‘cooperative capitalism’ in China. This article aims to answer two questions: First, what are the differences between factors for winning a seat at the PC and a seat at the CPPCC, respectively? Second, is there any difference between factors that have a significant impact on winning a seat at the county-township level and the prefecture-and-above level of the PC or CPPCC? Based on empirical findings, I have coined the term ‘wealthy-gentry politics’ to conceptualise the fact that behaving as a member of the socially responsible ‘gentry’ plays an increasingly significant role at the higher level and in the PC compared to the lower level and the CPPCC, while economic wealth is just a threshold and party membership is not a guarantee.

挑选私营企业家个体进入两会是中国“合作型资本主义”的一个最重要机制。本文回答两个问题。1）获得人大代表的因素与获得政协委员的因素有何区别？2）获得县镇级两会代表和地级以上两会代表的影响因素是否有区别？ 根据实证研究,笔者发明“财—绅政治”的概念来描述一个事实：负有社会责任的社会贤达在高一级的人大较之低一级的政协发挥了越来越大的作用,财富仅仅是门槛,党籍也不起决定性作用。