CRITERIA FOR DEVELOPING ARMS CONTROL ACCORDS

This paper offers a new definition of arms control and traces some of the implications of that definition. It also sets out a list of prerequisites for arms control, within the framework, the current and future prospects for arms control are briefly assessed, as are the fundamental limitations of arms control as a strategy for peace and security.     

James Matthews excavation A second interim report

Les fouilles de James Matthews. Second rapport prelimhaire P. BAKER AND G. HENDERSON Les auteurs décrivent dans ce rapport les méthodes utiliées et les résultats obtenus en 1975–77, sur une épave coulée par faible fond sur la côte ouest d'Australie. Ils présentent, en détail, l'utilisation d'un carroyage rigide, facilement manoeuvrable et servant en même temps de plate-forme pour une tourelle - photo pyramidale. Les avantages et les limites de la photogrammétrie, pour les relevés subaquatiques, sont aussi exposés.     

The economic impact of the Australia–US free trade agreement

The Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) came into effect in 2005. It was the second preferential trade agreement that Australia signed, after its agreement with Singapore, and marked a departure from the primacy of Australia's previous trade policy of unilateral and multilateral trade liberalisation toward preferential liberalisation. This paper assesses the economic effects of AUSFTA by applying the Productivity Commission's gravity model of trade from its Bilateral and Regional Trade Agreements review. The evidence reveals AUSFTA resulted in a fall in Australian and US trade with the rest of the world—that the agreement led to trade diversion. Estimates also show that AUSFTA is associated with a reduction in trade between Australia and the United States.     

Identifying the Critical Members of the House of Representatives

This article combines the historical record of presidential-congressional relations with previous scholarly findings to develop a model that identifies the members of Congress whose support is critical to the president's ability to build enacting coalitions. It then analyzes the relationship between President Obama and the House of Representatives during the 113th Congress as a case study that demonstrates the model's utility. Conventional wisdom and political pundits suggest that presidents working in divided government will have impossible difficulty working with Congress, but history suggests otherwise. The president's ability to successfully build enacting coalitions during divided government requires him to perform two rather disparate tasks. First, the president must minimize the amount of presidential party members who cross party lines to vote against the president's position. Second, the president must entice at least some opposition party members to cross party lines and support the president's position. Using data from 1981 to 2015, I find that representatives’ behavior on presidential support votes are related to constituency-level presidential strength, electoral vulnerability, ideological moderation, and ideological extremity. I use these results to identify the critical members of the 113th Congress. When a majority of these critical members supported President Obama's positions his legislative efforts were successful. When a majority of these members opposed the president's positions, the House Republican majority defeated the president.