首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   175篇
  免费   8篇
  183篇
  2020年   2篇
  2019年   2篇
  2018年   2篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   2篇
  2014年   4篇
  2013年   17篇
  2012年   13篇
  2011年   12篇
  2010年   14篇
  2009年   10篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   11篇
  2006年   11篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   4篇
  2003年   2篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   1篇
  1999年   1篇
  1998年   1篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   3篇
  1992年   1篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   2篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   2篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   4篇
  1983年   1篇
  1982年   2篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1976年   1篇
  1974年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1969年   1篇
  1968年   1篇
  1967年   2篇
排序方式: 共有183条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
41.
In March 1965 a group of Anglican bishops signed an open letter to the prime minister of Australia, Sir Robert Menzies, expressing its concerns about the rapid deterioration of the situation in Vietnam. The letter had been composed by the retired Bishop of Armidale, John Stoward Moyes. The bishops urged Menzies to use his influence with the United States Government to ensure that the possibility of a negotiated settlement of the conflict could be explored to the full. The letter, and the prime minister's public response, thrust John Moyes and his episcopal co‐signatories into the centre of a national debate on Vietnam. Following Menzies's brusque reply, Moyes composed a second and more critical open letter. The prime minister then issued a more detailed response one week before he committed Australian combat troops to the Vietnam War. The initiative taken by Bishop Moyes constituted the first major instance of public debate in Australia concerning the wisdom and morality of the government's policy on Vietnam.  相似文献   
42.
The next Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) will be held in 2015. With unfinished business from its 2010 predecessor, and with no sign that UK national strategy is about to escape the grip of austerity, the 2015 SDSR is set to be more complex and contentious than the government might have hoped. There is a possibility that the review will, yet again, see the three armed services struggle against each other to secure the largest slice of a diminishing cake. The review might also be captured by a fruitless discussion of ‘grand strategy’. SDSR 2015 must avoid both of these distractions. There are four principal concerns arising from SDSR 2010: the feasibility of the Future Force 2020 plan; various capability gaps that must be managed; inconsistencies in the national strategic planning framework; and unresolved concerns about the relationship between society, armed forces and government in the UK. In response to these concerns, the authors argue for a risk‐sharing approach to the SDSR, embracing the widest conceivable range of stakeholders in national strategy: the armed services; government departments and agencies; industry; civil society; and allies and partners. In UK military circles, inter‐service cooperation is known as ‘jointery’ and is denoted by a certain shade of purple. The effect of austerity is to constrain national strategy, just as the international security environment makes ever more demands upon it. In these circumstances, strategic options must be generated by joint collaboration, denoted by as many shades of purple as appropriate.  相似文献   
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号