全文获取类型
收费全文 | 111篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
专业分类
121篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 7篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 29篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 1篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有121条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
This is the second paper reporting on research which has attempted an evaluation of the performance of the Industrial Areas Programme in Greece. The programme itself has the objective of promoting industrial development in selected regions of Greece mainly through the provision of land and industrial infrastructure. It began in 1968. This research is about the cost-effectiveness of this policy and the methodologies used are those based on cost-benefit analysis. These were discussed in the first paper. This paper reports on the results of several different types of analysis. Although the research findings illustrate a wide variety in the levels of performance across the industrial areas selected for study, it is difficult not to conclude that the initiative in general has provided the state with good value for money. 相似文献
22.
Marta Domínguez‐Delms Sara Rich Aoife Daly Nigel Nayling Kristof Haneca 《International Journal of Nautical Archaeology》2019,48(1):231-244
In this article, we provide practical and straightforward guidance for the selection and sampling of shipwreck timbers for dendrochronological research. We outline sampling strategies and present informative figures that illustrate how to proceed in a variety of scenarios that archaeologists regularly encounter. However, in order to fully exploit the potential of tree‐ring research on these objects, we would urge archaeologists to involve dendrochronologists during the project planning phase to carefully plan and conduct adequate sampling of shipwreck assemblages. 相似文献
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
Nigel Aston 《Parliamentary History》2024,43(1):72-90
In terms of the unreformed franchise operative in the early 18th century, the University of Oxford made up an unusual parliamentary constituency. Here it was the votes of non-resident members that could be decisive to the outcome if the seat was contested. In late Stuart and early Hanoverian Oxford, Tories were almost certain to be returned but, in the general election of 1722, the Tory vote was split between rival candidates offering a possible opening for Oxford Whigs. This essay considers the varieties of electoral behaviour inside the university at this time of exceptional political flux nationally, how the candidates confronted the practical problem of getting ‘outvoters’ into Oxford, and the extent to which the heads of the colleges could rely on a sufficiently stable corporate identity to have their resident members vote in an approved way. The 1722 general election again raised questions as to who exactly was entitled to vote in a university constituancy, how much illegal voting was going on, and whether it was in a candidate's best interests either to connive or draw attention to it. The eventual choices made by the Oxford electorate would signal where the university stood in the wider political picture of the early 1720s, how far it – and the varieties of toryism it contained – was prepared to endorse the legitimacy of the new Hanoverian order. 相似文献
30.
Nigel Ashton 《Contemporary British History》2017,31(1):114-135
The British government had played an important role during the 1950s and 1960s as a mediator in the Arab–Israeli conflict, most notably through the development of Project Alpha between 1954 and 1956, and through the negotiation of United Nations Security Council resolution 242 in 1967. Between 1977 and 1979, British Prime Minister James Callaghan played a supporting role to US President Jimmy Carter as he negotiated the Camp David Accords of 1978. Callaghan adopted a pro-Israeli stance, cultivating close relations with the Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and defending Begin’s position over key issues, particularly his reluctance to remove settlements from the occupied territories. In this respect Callaghan’s government departed from established British policy, even abstaining over United Nations Security Council resolution 446 in March 1979 which condemned continuing Israeli settlement activity. This resulted in damage to Britain’s relations with moderate Arab states such as Egypt and Jordan. 相似文献