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11.
Nicolas Wyatt 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(1):68-91
Abstract In this article, the author studies the question how pastoral metaphors shape or construct the argumentative development and the internal structure of the Oracle against Babylon (Jer 50–51). Methodologically, the article draws on the insights provided by the cognitive linguistic approach to metaphor stating that metaphor is not merely a literary ornament, but rather a fundamental way in which people think. On the basis of these insights, the pastoral metaphors occurring in Jer 50,6–7; 8; 11–13; 17–18; 19–20; 44–45 and 51,38–40 are subjected to close scrutiny. It is shown that these metaphors display a strong internal development, challenging the view that the Oracle is an ongoing repetition of the same ideas. Moreover, the pastoral metaphors occur at structurally important positions in the Oracle, thus contributing to its overall architecture, and they provide important thematic links to other crucial texts in the book, e.g. Jer 25. Finally, the close analysis of the pastoral metaphors in Jer 50–51 has shed a new light on a number of the text's interpretational problems, for which new solutions were consequently proposed. 相似文献
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Nicolas Wyatt 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(1):61-80
Abstract Josephus, like the rabbis, had ambivalent feelings toward the prophet Elijah. On the one hand, because of the traditions identifying him with Phinehas the biblical zealot and portraying him as the forerunner of the Messiah (and therefore the leader of a revolt to bring about an independent Jewish state), Josephus, who was so indebted to the Roman imperial family, could hardly aggrandize him. On the other hand, because of Elijah's popularity as a folk‐hero with the Jewish masses Josephus could hardly afford to downgrade him, though he tones down the miracles associated with him. 相似文献
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Ferdinand Nicolas Göhde 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):461-475
Abstract Between 1834 and 1870, Germans participated in the armed conflicts of the Italian Risorgimento in the ranks of both Mazzini and Garibaldi and of the Pope and Francis II of Naples. While acknowledging the difficulty in analysing the motives of historical actors, the essay compares the reasons that led these Germans to volunteer and fight. For those who fought for the cause of Italian unity, the networks created in exile in the 1830s remained decisive down to 1870, whereas the mobilization of volunteers in Germany for the Papal states reached its height only later between 1867 and 1870. Despite these chronological differences, the methods used in terms of the media and forms of organization to mobilize the volunteers and to legitimize war were very similar across the political spectrum. The foreign volunteers were described by their own side as brothers, but as mere mercenaries by the respective enemy side. At the same time, Germans and Italians brought their national stereotypes to the various armed groups and armies in which they served and in ways that made the latter important places for the staging of national ‘re-virilization’ achieved through heroic fighting. 相似文献
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Nicolas Peterson 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》2000,70(3):205-218
Some pre‐circumcision candidates in the Western Desert culture area are taken on a journey to gather people for the final ceremony. Since Aboriginal people started to own cars in the 1960s, these journeys have expanded to such an extent that the outward journey discussed here covered 2250 km. The question of why it is the initiation ceremony, rather than some other ceremonial form, that is becoming the basis for the integration of this expanding Aboriginal domain is addressed and the fragmentary evidence on the historical growth of the journeys presented. Three kinds of ceremonial integration are distinguished and a suggestion made as to why it is the initiation form that is the focus of this expansion. 相似文献
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Nicolas Piqué 《Revue de synthèse / Centre international de synthèse》1997,118(1):65-81
Paul Hazard has clearly shown the concomitance ofThe Crisis of the European consciousness in various domains, under diverse aspects and diverse interrogations. This crisis, these new issues which arise concern as well the concept of temporality which was then in vogue. This article seeks to study its emergence through a specific question which concerns the status and the significance to be given fables and myths which we have inherited from Antiquity. Thanks to the studies by abbé Anselme, Fontenelle, Nicolas Fréret, the chevalier de La Barre and Lévesque de Burigny of the notion of the marvelous, as found in fables, we can better grasp the development of an historical concept. 相似文献
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Nicolas Standaert 《Revue de synthèse / Centre international de synthèse》1999,120(2-3):486-491
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Nicolas Gailhard Michael Bode Veli Bakhshaliyev Andreas Hauptmann Catherine Marro 《Journal of Field Archaeology》2017,42(6):530-550
The Late Chalcolithic (4400–3950 b.c.) occupation levels from Ovçular Tepesi have yielded a significant assemblage of copper objects and remains of copper production. Together with ore finds, two fragments of nozzle, crucible remains, and a number of small metal artifacts, this assemblage includes the unexpected discovery of three copper axes in an infant burial jar. These axes are the earliest examples of large copper tools known to date in southwestern Asia, whether it is in the Caucasus, Iran, or the Anatolian highlands. More importantly, the fact that these objects were locally produced suggests that significant metallurgical activities were being carried out at Ovçular as early as the second half of the 5th millennium b.c. After presenting the evidence from Ovçular Tepesi, this paper will proceed to a reassessment of the available archaeological and geochemical data concerning the emergence of extractive metallurgy in the southern Caucasus. 相似文献
20.
Nicolas Werth 《European Review of History》2015,22(6):900-916
The great 1932–3 famine in Ukraine and Kuban, considered a major disaster in twentieth-century European history, is starting to be recognised as the opening act of a terrible cycle of violence against the populations of a vast area in the heart of Europe, perpetrated by the two great totalitarian regimes that were Nazism and Stalinism. As James Mace, the pioneer in studying this famine, has written, the Ukrainian famine was a ‘man-made famine’. It was the consequence of an extreme political violence – the forced collectivisation of rural areas. The Stalinist regime exhibited a total indifference to human suffering. Famine was just ‘collateral damage’ of modernisation introduced by collectivisation. Beyond the total denial of famine by Stalinist authorities, this article raises the double question of its knowledge and its responsibility, using new sources. How far can the chain of decision-making that led to the famine and its aggravation be reconstructed? What did the executives of the Party know about what was happening in starving rural areas? Which argumentation and which explanatory strategy were they developing in their correspondence to deal with the reality they were denying? 相似文献