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81.
Over the years 1847 to 1881, as Montreal industrialized, the rate of homeownership declined from 31.6 per cent to 14.7 per cent. From a selection of occupations representative of social classes, it is shown that the large working class was dispossessed, while homeownership increased among the bourgeoisie. Distinctive occupational profiles are reported for homeowners, absentee owners, and resident owners of duplexes and their tenants.
Au cours de la période d'industrialisation des années 1847 à 1881, Montréal est devenue une ville de loca-laires. Le pourcentage de propriétaires-occupants a chuté de 3 7,6 pour cent à 14,7 pour cent. A partir d'un èchantillon des occupations qui caractérisent chaque classe sociale, on découvre que chez les ouvriers le taux a fortement diminué, alors que dans la bourgeoisie il a augmenté. On trace le profil socio-professionnel de plu-sieurs catégories de propriétaires et de locataires, en dis-tinguant le propriétaire-occupant du non-occupant, I'habitat unifamilial du duplex. 相似文献
Au cours de la période d'industrialisation des années 1847 à 1881, Montréal est devenue une ville de loca-laires. Le pourcentage de propriétaires-occupants a chuté de 3 7,6 pour cent à 14,7 pour cent. A partir d'un èchantillon des occupations qui caractérisent chaque classe sociale, on découvre que chez les ouvriers le taux a fortement diminué, alors que dans la bourgeoisie il a augmenté. On trace le profil socio-professionnel de plu-sieurs catégories de propriétaires et de locataires, en dis-tinguant le propriétaire-occupant du non-occupant, I'habitat unifamilial du duplex. 相似文献
82.
Carol W. Lewis 《政策研究杂志》1981,9(7):1021-1030
The difficulties involved in assessing the meaning of municipal expenditures are examined in view of the fact that dependency upon municipal services varies among and within jurisdictions. A cross-sectional analysis of spending in the five largest cities in Connecticut illustrates how considerations of human needs can affect the interpretation of spending (although they do not alter legal obligations or the financial reality of fiscal conditions). The possibilities and limitations associated with this approach to municipal expenditures are conveyed in terms of questions of public policy. 相似文献
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This article identifies spatial dimensions of educational outcomes using maps of the 2016 Grade 5 reading results for Australia's National Assessment Program–Literacy and Numeracy for all Australian schools. A geographical information system (GIS) was used to overlay schools' results onto suburbs' advantage or disadvantage to visualise spatial patterns. We then examined the extent to which school results “cluster” in socio‐economically advantaged and disadvantaged suburbs and considered the consistency of spatial patterns for results across major cities. That work illustrates both how GIS can foreground educational inequality and how “the spatial” is more than corollary for student socio‐economic status. Results show substantial differences between urban and remote areas and towns of different size. Maps of cities visualise spatial “clustering” patterns of school results, with most schools in advantaged suburbs having high results and almost no schools in disadvantaged suburbs having high results. Educational outcomes strongly align to local socio‐demographic characteristics, and parallel host communities’ levels of advantage or disadvantage. Differences between public and private schools are less significant than within‐sector differences for schools in advantaged or disadvantaged locales. Patterns in all cities are consistent—schools in advantaged suburbs predominantly have high results, whereas non‐government schools generally perform better than government schools in disadvantaged suburbs. Most concerning is the persistent and increasing trajectory of results in advantaged, and more so in disadvantaged suburbs, of all cities since the first National Assessment Program–Literacy and Numeracy in 2008. Ameliorating spatial inequality between primary schools is one of the greatest challenges for Australians. 相似文献
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The 1816 foundation of the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace in London was followed by the creation of a number of Auxiliary societies throughout the country. This paper analyses the history of the Newcastle Auxiliary, covering its establishment in 1817, its disaffiliation from the London Society in 1840, and its subsequent re-affiliation in 1850. After an initial period of quietism after their formation, the paper demonstrates how the radical pacifism of the society developed in the 1830s and 1840s, placing their activities in relation to the specificities of Newcastle’s political history, wider transformations in the British peace movement, and the influence of transatlantic networks of American peace advocacy and anti-slavery activism. The local Richardson family of Quakers personified these transformations, even as anarchists such as Joseph Barker represented a militant outer fringe of the society. Ultimately, however, the society struggled to garner wider support in Newcastle, clashing with local Chartists and with the town’s militarist merchants and businessmen in 1848. The paper therefore demonstrates how the Auxiliary societies need to be thought of active, agential organisations which negotiated the contradictions between their pacifist ideologies and the local and regional milieus within which they were enmeshed. 相似文献
87.
Nick Gillard 《International affairs》2015,91(2):433-434
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