Between Euro-Federalism,Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism: the Gaullist movement divided over Europe

Abstract

Since the creation of the European Community, the Gaullist movement has never been united over the question of European integration. De Gaulle’s intergovernmental vision of the European project has largely been the dominant discourse. At times however, this narrative has been questioned—on the one hand by more supranational notions of European integration; and on the other by a more pro-sovereignty Eurosceptic discourse. Subsequently, in its various modern-day guises the Gaullist movement has faced a series of major internal divisions with regard to its position on ‘Europe’. This uncertainty has also manifested itself at the highest level as demonstrated by the changing discourse advocated by former French presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. This paper analyses the internal tensions over the European issue within the Gaullist movement at elite level. It determines that despite Chirac’s and Sarkozy’s attempts to unite the party throughout their presidencies the Gaullist movement is far from having moved towards a united European stance. Accordingly, the authors identify that over the past three decades, it is possible to identify three distinct, and at times conflicting, Gaullist stances on European integration with which the party’s elites have vacillated, namely Euro-Federalism, Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism.     

Counting Carbon: Calculative Activism and Slippery Infrastructure

The environmental movement in the global North is in a state of impasse. It appears that despite the renewed international focus on climate change, and the actions of innumerable social movements, a “solution” to the problem appears as one, without a viable solution. It is the contention of this paper that climate change has no clearly viable solution as it is a seemingly impossible problem. This paper investigates how the problem of climate change is constructed as a global object of political action and how it functions to render politics into a matter of calculative action, one that seeks—but fails—to take hold of a slippery carbon infrastructure. It concludes by suggesting one possible solution to this dilemma is to turn away from the global scalar logic of climate change and towards a situated focus on questions of infrastructure, or what Dimitris Papadopoulos calls “thick justice”.     

A Narrative Analysis of the Political Economy Shaping Policy on Child Undernutrition in India

This article examines two narratives on the subject of child undernutrition in India espoused by competing sides of the policy elite. It argues that undertaking narrative policy analysis in a structured fashion helps to elucidate a clearer sense of the underlying positions within this important area of development discourse. India's high rates of child undernutrition have become a battleground of positions on the country's growth trajectory, revealing of the wider assumptions, ideologies and manifestations of power of the various actors espousing particular positions. Recent debates have brought into focus not only the contestation of various causalities and remedies, but also the politics of measurement, data and their interpretation. The results of this analysis are relevant elsewhere in their illumination of the politically public nature of technocratic debates on nutrition and the way in which this public discourse extends beyond the immediate topic to wider ideological divisions and assumptions on growth, equity and recent history.     

Re-assessing the Post-War Housing Achievement: the Impact of War-damage Repairs on the New Housing Programme in London

This article contrasts the well-documented difficulties of thepost-war housing drive in 1945–48 with the little-knownachievements of the programme of war-damage repairs. Focusingon London in the first three critical post-war years, it showshow the drive for new housing was slowed by the resources requiredfor repairs, a policy justified because repairs provided morehouses with less labour than the new housing programme. Thearticle concludes by asking why the 110,000 previously unoccupiedhouses that were repaired cannot be part of a more positiveassessment of the housing achievements of the immediate post-waryears. ^* noab100{at}cam.ac.uk     

提高公众，特别是年轻人的文化遗产保护意识

世界上的文化遗产属于我们所有人;它是脆弱的,它正在无时不刻地消失;专业保护人士和公众共同为了未来而保护它。 ICCROM是一个专门致力于文化财产保护的政府间组织,目前有109个国家是它的成员国。2000年,中国成为其中的一员。它的全称是国际文化财产保护和修复研究中心。1959年在罗马建立,是促进不可移动和可移动文物保护的唯一一个世界性的委托研究机构,所以它在文化遗产保护领域占有特殊的地位。它主要通过五种方式在全世界范围内促进文化遗产的保护：专业教育和培训,信息传播,研究,技术合作和提高文化遗产保护意识。考虑到在提高公众保护意识     

Showing the Poor a Good Time: Caring for Body and Spirit in Bologna's Civic Charities

As poor relief in Christian Europe was being reformed through the sixteenth century, tensions emerged between a traditional charitable culture that allowed for occasional festivity, and the newer charitable culture that emphasized discipline, restraint, and efficiency. An undated document relating to a dispute that broke out in the main civic welfare agency of Bologna (Opera Pia dei Poveri Mendicanti) shows that gender and class were key dimensions of these two cultures, and underscores that the two should not be seen as sequential but as co-existing and competing. This study examines the dispute and proposes a dating for the document in the 1590s.