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301.
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the discourses used by proponents of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) as claims of universality to which the Standing Rock Sioux tribe and allied activists mounted a movement of opposition in 2014–2017. We position our analysis within the historical context of Lakota and Dakota resistance to settler colonialism, which has endured since the nineteenth century. From publicly available texts circulated by key actors in the conflict over the construction of this pipeline project, we identify themes that proponents of this project drew upon to articulate their representations of the land as universal. We suggest that claims like these, when naturalized in practice, have historically materialized in settler colonial landscapes. With the concept of settler colonial landscapes, we focus on ways of seeing and representing places that have facilitated the dispossession of Indigenous people from their territory as well as the construction of a settler-dominated community. In this way, we develop a cultural geographical understanding of the ongoing construction of settler colonial landscapes as a process dependent on claims to neutrality and objectivity. 相似文献
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David Nicholas 《Journal of Medieval History》1976,2(3):239-268
St Bavo's abbey of Ghent reclaimed considerable land during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries on its estate at Weert, along the Scheldt in northeastern Flanders. Other lords, notably Jacques van Artevelde, also had interests in the polder, but their presence caused such hostility that two peasants with Weert connections were involved in the assassination of Artevelde's son in 1370. Poor soil and natural disasters forced St Bavo's to abandon the project in the late fourteenth century, after a final vigorous effort in the 1350s. The work of the monks and of the counts of Flanders had nonetheless separated Weert topographically from Flanders and diverted the Scheldt westward into its present course by the early fourteenth century. Despite a subsistence economy and a high incidence of poverty, conditions which might be expected to foster rapid turnover among the settlers, peasant society at Weert demonstrated remarkable stability. 相似文献
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J. Nicholas Entrikin 《Geografiska annaler. Series B, Human geography》2002,84(1):19-25
Multiculturalism has become a defining characteristic of late modern societies. For some, multiculturalism is at the forefront of democratizing processes, and for others, it undermines the possibility of democratic political community. Normative political theory offers several models of the democratic, and these models differ significantly in terms of the role given to culture. These models also suggest ideal geographies that become evident when considering democratic political community formation and multiculturalism as a form of place–making. 相似文献
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Nicholas L. Balascio Stephen Wickler Lars Erik Narmo Raymond S. Bradley 《Journal of archaeological science》2011,38(4):934-941
Distal tephra deposits from Icelandic volcanic eruptions have been found in Norway and can be used to precisely date a variety of sedimentary environments. Tephrochronology has not yet been applied to archaeological investigations in Norway because tephra are generally not found as visible layers, but are present as very low concentrations of glass shards (i.e. cryptotephra). In this study, we present results from the analysis of cryptotephras found in an Iron Age boathouse in northern Norway. The boathouse was associated with the chieftain center at Borg on Vestvågøy in the Lofoten Islands. In 2003, a trench was excavated and the stratigraphy of the boathouse was described. Radiocarbon ages from cultural deposits show that it was constructed in the Early Iron Age c. AD 540–660 and the main period of use was at the end of the Iron Age between c. AD 1030 and AD 1270. Volcanic glass shards were isolated from sediment samples collected above and below the cultural deposit representing the main period of use. Electron microprobe analysis of the glass shards showed that the lower sample resembles the AD 860 Layer B tephra and the upper sample resembles tephra erupted from the Hekla volcanic system between AD 1104 and AD 1300. These tephrochronologic dates agree with the radiocarbon-derived dates and possibly further constrain the boathouse’s main period of use to c. AD 1030–1104. Our results demonstrate the value of using tephrochronology for archaeological studies in Norway and the potential for finding cryptotephra from other large explosive volcanic eruptions during the Iron Age. 相似文献
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A pretext for plunder? Environmental change and state‐led redevelopment in the Peruvian Amazon
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In 2014, the Peruvian federal government declared the low‐income neighbourhood of Pueblo Libre de Belén in the Amazonian city of Iquitos to be in a state of emergency. A federal decree stated that ‘constant inundation’ from the Itaya River had put residents and their homes in jeopardy. Following this declaration, the federal government proposed to resettle residents in a planned community, 13 km outside the city. Drawing from interviews with 77 households in the neighbourhood, this article examines residents' responses to the relocation plan as well as their deep scepticism over the motivations driving it. Considering the state's plans for redeveloping the area as a tourist zone, this case study illustrates how concerns about the future impacts of environmental change – and flooding specifically – can be exploited by state actors for economic and political gain while further disenfranchising vulnerable urban populations. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments used by prime ministers to share, shape, and reproduce their understanding of what and whom is representative of a unique Australian identity and nationalism. This paper uses qualitative and quantitative methods with content analysis to evaluate and compare prime ministerial and party rhetoric in their Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches between 1990 and 2017 regarding class and economic relations, gender and sexuality, and race and national identity. We ask: How have prime ministers as reflexive actors used their speeches on Australia Day and Anzac Day to represent what it means to be Australian? The study reveals that despite prime ministers sometimes using intentionally inclusive discourses, they simultaneously reproduce a classless, hetero-masculine, and Anglocentric Australianness as a normative representation of national identity in Australian society. 相似文献