唐武惠妃墓出土疑似胶结材料的分析研究

为了确定武惠妃墓室内发现的黑色多孔块状物质是否为绘制壁画时使用的胶结材料,联合使用显微镜观察、SEM-EDS、Raman、FTIR和GC-FID多种分析方法对该物质进行了显微结构观察、元素组成及物质组成分析。结果表明,该物质虽已炭化,但内部仍可见一些较新鲜的胶料残留,其成分为动物胶,并在其中发现了少量红色朱砂颜料残留。通过古文献记载和以往研究成果讨论了结果的可靠性。该研究不仅丰富了唐代墓葬壁画绘制技艺的考古学研究,更可为后期文物保护材料和工艺的选择提供借鉴。     

基于海量点云数据的大雁塔三维重建

古建筑三维重建已成为历史遗迹保护与修复的重要内容。为了探讨三维激光扫描数据的获取流程、数据处理方法,以三维激光扫描获取的大雁塔海量点云数据为例,研究了古建筑三维重建中点云数据获取与处理的详细过程。联合Cyclone、AutoCAD和3D-Max软件的优点构建了大雁塔真实的横面、剖面、立面模型,其中重点研究了海量点云数据在Cyclone软件中分块建模的方法。结果表明:将拼接好的大雁塔海量点云数据分块建模,不仅加快了数据处理的速度,而且符合精度要求。在点云数据拼接时采用标靶拼接和同名点拼接相结合及测站间两两拼接之后再整体拟合平差的方法,减少了拼接中的误差,使每站拼接误差都不超过3cm。在建模过程中的墙体拟合是上万个点云经过平差计算得到,精度高达2mm。最后在3D-Max软件中组合、渲染和贴图,真实地构建了大雁塔三维立体模型。为古建筑数字化存档和后期的修缮工作提供了重要的依据。     

The Father's Success and the Son's Failure: Explaining the Growth of Lebanon's Resistance to Syria's Invisible Occupation

In the 15‐year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the “Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon,” on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al‐Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy. In 2000, the year of Hafiz al‐Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi‘a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al‐Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country. We argue that the difference in the degree of anti‐Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al‐Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi‘a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al‐Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter‐ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de‐facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States‐led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005. These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent‐minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different. Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so‐called “security zone” in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better “management” of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.     

Study and School in the Lives of Children in Migrant Families: A View from Rural Jiangxi,China

Millions of children in China have been ‘left behind’ in the countryside while their parents work in distant places to support the social reproduction of their families. This article examines the role of study and schooling in this process. The analysis shows that family strategies to pursue socio‐economic mobility are intricately connected to state frameworks for providing support, and schools are central to this. This is because both family and state interests in the attributes and prospects of the next generation converge in schools. At the same time, on a day‐to‐day basis, the labour of children in schools and the labour of parents in the cities are intertwined. Specifically, by communicating with each other about study, and by focusing on the child's educational future as the key purpose of their daily work, both children and parents carry out their obligations towards each other, while finding ways to cope with the emotional difficulties that protracted physical separation entails.     

中国入境外国游客旅游行为研究

在心理测试量表调查的基础上,利用心理学实验,归纳,演绎推理,行为意象图,数理统计等分析方法,从游客决策行为、空间行为、旅游文化行为切入,研究中国热点城市日韩、北美、东南亚、欧洲客源市场游客的行为规律及其制约因素,构建主要群体入境游客的旅游行为模式,发现了入境外国游客旅游选择偏好、时空动态规律;探讨旅游决策的主导模式、范式和影响决策的可控因素;研究"文化边际域"中的跨文化冲突特征和旅游认知预期衰减效应模式;揭示了旅游意愿评价、旅游感知评价数量模型和四种不同群体游客文化交互模式。并提出了适应外国游客旅游行为的相应对策建议。     

旅游行为意象图相关问题探讨

为了促进意象图在旅游中的理论及应用研究,分析了旅游行为意象图的相关概念,探讨了不同旅游时段的旅游行为意象图的形成过程;总结了旅游行为意象图的个性与共性,动态性与主观性、不完整性与不确定性,可操作性等特点;并以西安市旅游意象为实例,分析了旅游行为意象图构成要素和认知内容,认为旅游行为意象图对旅游行为的发生、旅游资源的评价、旅游规划和旅游行为空间的合理表达都有积极的作用。     

多尺度视角下中国城市创新网络格局及邻近性机理分析

借助2016年国家知识产权局的专利合作数据,利用复杂网络和空间分析方法对国家、区际和省内三个尺度的城市创新网络结构进行刻画,并利用负二项回归法对创新合作的邻近性机理进行了剖析。研究表明:(1)全国城市创新网络的整体联系较弱,网络极化现象明显,空间结构呈现出以北京为核心的放射型网络形态。区际城市创新网络的跨区域网络联系强于区内网络联系,东中西形成以区域中心城市为核心的异质性空间结构。省内城市创新网络的本地结网不足,内部联系强度低,空间形态普遍呈现出以省会城市为中心的核心—边缘结构。(2)回归结果证实了社会邻近、技术邻近对城市创新结网具有显著的促进作用,地理邻近则呈现出不显著的正向影响。其中,技术邻近的促进作用显著高于社会邻近,而地理邻近则需要通过社会邻近的调节效应对创新结网产生影响。