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International economic power (the ability to shape rules of global economic conduct) needs to be understood in terms of the interactions between rule‐makers and rule‐takers in the global economy. Attempts to reshape development paradigms through interventions during financial crisis have been highly significant for the domestic political economy of the developing world. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the primary question was how much countries would liberalize in response to financial crisis. Reactions to the crises of the late 1990s in Asia and Latin America were more varied. This article explores domestic political responses to crises in both regions in the 1980s and late 1990s. It argues that countries are finding it increasingly difficult to trump domestic political pressure for change with arguments about technocratic necessity. Popular pressure is pushing governments into new experiments in economic nationalism, not a radical rejection of global economic integration, but a reshaping of relationships in an attempt to secure national interests and, in some cases, to devote more resources to welfare. Experiments to date are modest, but could presage more significant change in the future. 相似文献
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内蒙古扎鲁特旗南宝力皋吐新石器时代墓地 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
南宝力皋吐墓地位于内蒙古自治区扎鲁特旗鲁北镇东南约40公里,东北距道老杜苏木10公里,南距南宝力皋吐村2公里,地理坐标为东经121°19′、北纬44°24′,海拔高度220米(图一)。墓地所在区域为波状起伏的半沙化草甸,生态植被十分脆弱,是大兴安岭南麓草原与科尔沁沙地的交错地带。这里地势开阔,起伏平缓,平均落差仅5米,地表 相似文献
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山东日照市两城镇遗址龙山文化先民食谱的稳定同位素分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
山东日照两城镇遗址出土的浮选植物标本和植桂体表明,稻米和粟是该遗址龙山先民重要的食物来源,但由于动物骨骼保存很差,我们对他们的肉食来源所知甚少。而采用碳氮稳定同位素法探讨古人的食性和食物结构,对各种同位素含量不同的食物在当时人们食谱中的相对重要性提供了补充定量的数据。 相似文献
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前言 1949年,碳十四断代的创始人利比(W.F.Libby)公布了第一批碳十四年代数据,宣告碳十四测年方法取得成功,轰动了整个考古界和地质学界。碳十四 相似文献
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EILEEN KA‐MAY CHENG 《History and theory》2008,47(2):200-228
This essay examines how and why historiography—defined to mean the study of the history of historical writing—first emerged as a legitimate subject of historical inquiry in the United States during the period from 1890 to the 1930s by focusing on the practice of historiography by three of the most influential American historiographers whose work spans this period: J. Franklin Jameson, John Spencer Bassett, and Harry Elmer Barnes. Whereas the development of historiography as a field of study signified a recognition that historians and historical writing are themselves products of the historical process, American historiographers in this period at the same time used historiography to further a scientific ideal of objectivity that was premised on the belief in the ability of historians to separate themselves from that process. Modern scholars (notably, Peter Novick) have attributed to scientific historians like Jameson and Bassett a simplistic and naive positivism; but the ability of these historiographers to recognize the subjective character of historical writing and yet affirm a belief in objectivity reveals that their understanding of historical truth was more complex than modern scholars have acknowledged. In turn, by questioning the belief that the historical profession was originally founded on a naïve faith in the ideal of objective truth, I demonstrate that New Historians like Barnes were more similar to their predecessors, the scientific historians, than they (or later scholars) acknowledged. Thus, rather than portraying the shift from scientific history to the New History as a linear trajectory of development from objectivity to a more relativist viewpoint, I argue that New Historians like Barnes at once expressed a greater recognition than his scientific predecessors of how historical writing was the product of its context, while still insisting on his commitment to an ideal of objectivity that divorced the historian from that context. 相似文献
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