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81.
Josef Olmert PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2011,20(2):202-211
For 20 years, as of 1991, multiple rounds of negotiations took place between Syria and Israel. These negotiations revolved around the entire gamut of problems separating the two countries: borders, recognition, finality of the conflict, normalization, security arrangements, the Israeli civilian population in the disputed territory, water, Lebanon, the Palestinian issue, Iran, and terrorism. Israeli Prime Ministers, Syrian presidents, foreign ministers, and senior generals from both sides participated in the talks, and third parties such as the United States and Turkey were also involved. Yet peace was not achieved, although not for a lack of effort. This article tries to shed light on some of the reasons for this continuing failure. 相似文献
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Alon Ben‐Meir PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2010,19(2):228-233
It has been almost a year now since President Obama set out for Cairo to deliver what has been seen as one of the largest overtures by the United States to publicly engage the Middle East. Unfortunately, despite the high hopes that this new administration garnered and the continuous efforts of high‐level American officials to put an end to the Arab–Israeli conflict, there is little fruit to bear on the ground. More often than not, the diplomatic breaches and hurdles to even get to the negotiating table have consumed the headlines, and 1 year later the multilateral relations in the region seem tepid at best. The repeated failures of the bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and Syria may be attributed to a number of factors, including a deep‐seated mistrust that has not been addressed, concerns over the long‐term security, and domestic political constraints to make the required concessions to reach an agreement. Yet while all of these elements contributed to the despondent current state of affairs, the one critical missing ingredient has been the absence of a comprehensive framework for peace representing the collective will of the Arab states. Now more than ever, the Arab Peace Initiative (API) offers the best possible chance of achieving an inclusive peace, provided that all parties to the conflict understand its significance and historic implications that have eluded all parties for more than six decades. The likelihood that the current lull in violence will continue if no progress is made on the political front is slim. If the Arab states want to show a united front, especially as the Iranian nuclear advances threaten the regional balance of power, they must finally and publically resolve to promote the API in earnest. 相似文献
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Mohammed M. Aman PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2011,20(2):322-325
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Samir Hamade PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2012,21(1):24-38
This article attempts to study the impact of mobile technology, as represented by mobile phones, on low income communities, as represented by farmers in the Bekaa Valley, the largest farmland of Lebanon. It aims to identify areas where the mobile phone has a positive impact on farmers' lives, family, friends, work, finance, and health; and areas where the mobile phone has a negative impact on farmers' lives, in addition to identifying some important associations among the variables. The results show that more than 38 percent of farmers own a mobile phone. The benefits of having a mobile phone are improved work, better income, improved family and social ties, more freedom and independence, better health, and better finance. High cost and accessibility were the two major drawbacks. Owning a mobile phone is associated with education, better work, better income, better health, and better finance. It is independent of gender and income. The study recommends that telecommunication companies in the area should expand their services to low‐income communities, improve coverage, and reduce cost. 相似文献