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Andrew M. Wender PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2011,20(2):261-276
Nationalism's inability to yield peacefully coexisting forms of political identity in Israel/Palestine has persisted for more than a century. This is so whether one refers to strands of secular nationalism that composed predominating, modern historical foundations for Israeli and Palestinian political consciousness, or subsequent forms of nationalism that have become intertwined, ever more, with religion. Further, nationalism's failure to foster a way out of the Israel/Palestine impasse infects not only the familiar (but increasingly problematic) “two‐state” solution but also the contested (but perhaps more productive) “one‐state” solution. The one‐state solution has tended to involve a secular approach, for example, the binational variety emblematized by Edward Said, or, alternatively, a nonbinary democratic state where equal citizenship is not contingent on distinct forms of identity. However, the untapped promise of the one‐state solution could be better actualized with ingredients for the construction of citizenship that, in a real, spiritual sense, transcend the limiting divisions of nationalism. Specifically, shared religious roots, including the modes of reconciliation integral to the three Abrahamic traditions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—most directly ensnared within the Israel/Palestine bind might offer a more fruitful basis for coexistence. 相似文献
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Mohammad S. Marefat Seyed Masood Hassanzadeh Shirazi Rasool Rostamshirazi Mohammad Khanmohammadi 《Journal of Earthquake Engineering》2013,17(4):463-481
There are many reinforced concrete structures throughout the world that have been built in the past decades that lack appropriate seismic details and reinforced by plain bars. To study the behavior of such buildings, seven beams have been tested under cyclic and monotonic load. The specimens include substandard specimens, with deficient seismic details and reinforced by plain bars, specimens designed in accordance with ACI-318-99 but reinforced by plain bars, and standard specimens reinforced by deformed bars. The tests indicate that the substandard specimens sustain relatively large slip of longitudinal bars, separation of specimen relative to foundation and sliding at large deformation phase, low initial stiffness ratio, limited lateral displacement capacity, and loss of nominal yield strength. The specimens reinforced by plain bars in accordance with ACI-318-99 perform almost similar to standard specimens with deformed bars, in terms of elastic stiffness and lateral displacement ductility; but, they sustain larger slip, and smaller yield strength. Failure of all specimens reinforced by plain bars is characterized by flexural cracks without visible shear failure. Residual shear strength of substandard specimens is modeled by dowel action of longitudinal bars to predict a lower limit for lateral strength of the specimens. 相似文献
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The Arab Spring has reshaped the Islamist landscape in the Middle East drastically. After decades of repression and exclusion, Islamist parties have taken power in Egypt, Tunis, and Morocco. However, the startling rise of Salafism (Salafiyya) remains the most visible feature of the new Islamist scene in the region. After decades of eschewing politics for theological and political reasons, Salafi movements and groups have rushed into electoral politics enthusiastically. They became keen to form political parties, contest elections, and vie for power. In Egypt, the Salafi parties fared well in the post‐revolution parliamentary elections and are a key player in drafting Egypt's new constitution. This article explores the rise of Salafism after Mubarak and examines its effects on the democratic transition in Egypt. It investigates the ideological and theological stance of Salafi movements and parties on politics and democracy in particular. The argument put forward is that the extraordinary political openness in Egypt after the revolution has pushed Salafis into everyday politics. Subsequently, Salafis have become more inclined to adopt a pragmatic and practical discourse. Based on field research, this article provides a thematic analysis of Egyptian Salafism and assesses its political future. 相似文献