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Historians of the French Revolution and the revolutionary warshave tended to pay relatively little attention to the centralrole played by the Habsburg Monarchy during this era. This articleseeks to reassess both Austria's importance as the continentalcorner-stone of the anti-French coaliton and, conversely, theimportance of the French Revolution for the history of the HabsburgMonarchy. The author argues that Vienna assessed the Revolutionand its impact almost exclusively from a foreign-political pointof view, seeing the international turmoil as a chance to realizelong-standing plans of territorial streamlining that would makethe Habsburg Monarchy into a stronger and more self-sufficientgreat power.  相似文献   
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In the context of the epistemological and methodological debates about rational choice (RC) sparked by Green and Shapiro and the subsequent rejoinders, Hindmoor made the theoretical claim that there is now an opportunity for RC to be enhanced and for past debates to be set aside by incorporating different theoretical perspectives into RC. This article presents an example of one context in which this can be done: the study of illegal private protection (IPP) produced by organised criminals and corrupt officials. It extends a rational theory of criminal protection to enable the simultaneous analysis of corrupt protection and augments this approach with theories of social capital (SC). Both positive and negative forms and effects of SC are considered. This approach highlights a middle ground between advocates and critics of RC, demonstrating a capacity to explain patterns in the production of IPP between organisations and across countries.

针对格林、沙皮罗与弗里德曼的否定者所发起的有关理性选择的认识论及方法论论战,辛德摩尔提出一个理论主张:现在正可以通过吸纳不同的视角而弘扬理性选择,以往的辩论可置之一旁。本文讨论了一个可行的案例:有组织犯罪分子造成的非法私人保护。作者应用理性理论于犯罪保护,对腐败保护做了分析,并用社会资本理论扩展了这一方法。作者对社会资本理论的正负短长做了分析。这样的研究强调了介于理性选择理论赞同方与反对方的中间地带,展示对于组织间及跨国非法私人保护的产生的解释能力。  相似文献   

998.
Abstract:

Early twentieth-century Manila saw the motorisation of its urban transport system. This was a significant transformation not only because of the technological changes it brought about but more importantly because of its role in shaping the highly gendered discourse of colonial modernity. Motorised vehicles, like the streetcar and the automobile, were trumpeted as masculine and modern machines by America’s civilising mission. This colonial discourse was continuously shaped and subverted by a collision of masculinities coming from different directions. This essay will focus on four different male groups in an effort to understand how transport motorisation influenced their sense of masculinity. White American colonisers imagined themselves as modern men destined to bring civilisation to the colony through technology. The native elites used the coloniser as their model by appropriating the symbols of masculine modernity. While the male workers of the modern transport sector gained knowledge of and access to the domains of those in power, those in the traditional sector became targets of vilification by the native and colonial elites. Instead of a duel between two sets of masculinity (coloniser vs. colonised) what emerged was a complex set of relationships influenced by the socioeconomic differences that separated these four groups.  相似文献   
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Many moments in what we now rather lamely call the ‘end of the Cold War’ have been examined in detail. However, within the extraordinarily rich literature that has arisen over the past 25 years, little attention has been paid thus far to one very important problem: the part played by ‘history’ in shaping the way different actors tried to make sense of what was going on around them in a time of rapid transition.  相似文献   
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