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961.
The “concealed communities” of our title are the people archaeologists have often labeled as “marginal.” Archaeologists writing
about both prehistoric and historic periods have commonly made a range of assumptions about margins and marginality, and their
discussions have often categorized marginality as ecological, economic, or socio-political. Whilst it has been common to privilege
one or other of these categories in order to explain how societies worked, they are rarely mutually exclusive. In addition,
since marginality is relative, virtually any group might be made marginal depending on people’s perspectives in the past or
present. Sometimes marginality can be imposed (economically or politically), and sometimes even actively chosen. Defining
the “margin” is a complex business, and the term needs sensitive, context-orientated use to make it useful for archaeologists. 相似文献
962.
Barnet Pavao-Zuckerman Vincent M. LaMotta 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2007,11(3):241-268
Spanish missions were important support bases for colonization; Native American labor provided both food and commodities to
support regional colonial expansion. Zooarchaeological remains from Mission San Agustín, located in present-day southern Arizona,
offer a unique perspective on livestock use at missions, and engagement with regional economic networks through secondary
animal products. Despite decades of resistance to livestock, the O’odham became the primary labor force in an economic system
based on livestock ranching, particularly of cattle. The transition to cattle ranching was likely influenced by a number of
factors including pressure from missionaries, population growth, and, perhaps most importantly, the regional demand for secondary
livestock commodities such as hide and tallow. 相似文献
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