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Martin Heidenreich 《European Planning Studies》1998,6(3):315-332
This paper analyses the current structure of the system of European cities and regions, relations within the system and how it is changing. Cluster analysis distinguished eight regional types: metropolitan, semi‐peripheral and peripheral service regions; central, semi‐peripheral, peripheral and collapsed industrial regions; and agricultural regions. The core of European industrial societies proves to be almost identical with the city belt that dominated economic development in pre‐industrial Europe. Two possible paths of change are discussed: delocalization of simpler, labour cost‐intensive activities towards the periphery (delocalization hypothesis), or structural changes in industrial core regions and persisting marginal status in the periphery (restructuring hypothesis). Neither hypothesis could be confirmed or rejected unequivocally: there were indicators for the continuing importance of urban service centres but no peripheral industrialization for the continuing dominance of industrial core regions while undergoing structural changes. It is concluded that there are hardly any signs of convergence between core and peripheral regions. 相似文献
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Christopher van der Krogt 《The Journal of religious history》1998,22(3):320-335
The Catholic campaign against contraception in New Zealand during the 1930s is usually interpreted from the perspective of the promoters of birth control, who accused the church of exercising undue influence over the Labour government (1935–49). This paper argues that while Catholics were the most outspoken opponents of contraception, their opposition to the dissemination of birth control information and contraceptive devices was shared with other influential groups, notably the Protestant churches, the medical profession, journalists, and politicians. It was the combined strength of these conservative interests, not pressure from Catholics alone, which discouraged the Labour government from establishing birth control clinics. Catholics and many other New Zealanders feared that increased access to contraceptives would reduce the birth rate, leaving New Zealand vulnerable to non-British migration or even invasion. There was also widespread concern that the promotion of birth control would encourage sexual promiscuity. Since Catholics sought a compete ban on artificial contraception, however, they were unable to cooperate with non-Catholics who, accepting the restrained use of contraceptives, sought only to limit their availability. Catholic influence reinforced the efforts of other conservative interests but was not strong enough to secure legislation reflecting distinctively Catholic principles. 相似文献
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