首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1154篇
  免费   60篇
  2023年   19篇
  2021年   4篇
  2020年   17篇
  2019年   36篇
  2018年   49篇
  2017年   73篇
  2016年   57篇
  2015年   43篇
  2014年   44篇
  2013年   313篇
  2012年   43篇
  2011年   40篇
  2010年   25篇
  2009年   34篇
  2008年   26篇
  2007年   30篇
  2006年   19篇
  2005年   16篇
  2004年   19篇
  2003年   15篇
  2002年   32篇
  2001年   20篇
  2000年   12篇
  1999年   21篇
  1998年   18篇
  1997年   12篇
  1996年   11篇
  1995年   12篇
  1994年   10篇
  1993年   4篇
  1992年   7篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   5篇
  1987年   9篇
  1986年   4篇
  1985年   6篇
  1984年   4篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   8篇
  1981年   5篇
  1980年   8篇
  1979年   9篇
  1978年   3篇
  1977年   12篇
  1976年   7篇
  1975年   8篇
  1974年   5篇
  1973年   5篇
  1972年   4篇
  1960年   3篇
排序方式: 共有1214条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
This paper analyses the current structure of the system of European cities and regions, relations within the system and how it is changing. Cluster analysis distinguished eight regional types: metropolitan, semi‐peripheral and peripheral service regions; central, semi‐peripheral, peripheral and collapsed industrial regions; and agricultural regions. The core of European industrial societies proves to be almost identical with the city belt that dominated economic development in pre‐industrial Europe. Two possible paths of change are discussed: delocalization of simpler, labour cost‐intensive activities towards the periphery (delocalization hypothesis), or structural changes in industrial core regions and persisting marginal status in the periphery (restructuring hypothesis). Neither hypothesis could be confirmed or rejected unequivocally: there were indicators for the continuing importance of urban service centres but no peripheral industrialization for the continuing dominance of industrial core regions while undergoing structural changes. It is concluded that there are hardly any signs of convergence between core and peripheral regions.  相似文献   
128.
The Catholic campaign against contraception in New Zealand during the 1930s is usually interpreted from the perspective of the promoters of birth control, who accused the church of exercising undue influence over the Labour government (1935–49). This paper argues that while Catholics were the most outspoken opponents of contraception, their opposition to the dissemination of birth control information and contraceptive devices was shared with other influential groups, notably the Protestant churches, the medical profession, journalists, and politicians. It was the combined strength of these conservative interests, not pressure from Catholics alone, which discouraged the Labour government from establishing birth control clinics. Catholics and many other New Zealanders feared that increased access to contraceptives would reduce the birth rate, leaving New Zealand vulnerable to non-British migration or even invasion. There was also widespread concern that the promotion of birth control would encourage sexual promiscuity. Since Catholics sought a compete ban on artificial contraception, however, they were unable to cooperate with non-Catholics who, accepting the restrained use of contraceptives, sought only to limit their availability. Catholic influence reinforced the efforts of other conservative interests but was not strong enough to secure legislation reflecting distinctively Catholic principles.  相似文献   
129.
130.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号