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The Catholic campaign against contraception in New Zealand during the 1930s is usually interpreted from the perspective of the promoters of birth control, who accused the church of exercising undue influence over the Labour government (1935–49). This paper argues that while Catholics were the most outspoken opponents of contraception, their opposition to the dissemination of birth control information and contraceptive devices was shared with other influential groups, notably the Protestant churches, the medical profession, journalists, and politicians. It was the combined strength of these conservative interests, not pressure from Catholics alone, which discouraged the Labour government from establishing birth control clinics. Catholics and many other New Zealanders feared that increased access to contraceptives would reduce the birth rate, leaving New Zealand vulnerable to non-British migration or even invasion. There was also widespread concern that the promotion of birth control would encourage sexual promiscuity. Since Catholics sought a compete ban on artificial contraception, however, they were unable to cooperate with non-Catholics who, accepting the restrained use of contraceptives, sought only to limit their availability. Catholic influence reinforced the efforts of other conservative interests but was not strong enough to secure legislation reflecting distinctively Catholic principles.  相似文献   
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Producer Services, Economic Geography, and Services Tradability   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
We investigate how the incorporation of producer services linkages affects the outcome of an economic geography model. We specify the production of manufactures such that a variety of producer services is needed to transform tradable unfinished goods into final consumption goods. We find that service linkages promote the concentration of economic activity in a single region, but whether full concentration is achieved depends on the costs and mode of services trade. Applying the model to a multiregion world shows that incorporating producer services may also give rise to regions that specialize in different economic activities.  相似文献   
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In this article, the authors assess some of the major trends within anglophonic feminist historical geography appearing in the decade since Rose & Ogborn called for the development of an explicitly feminist approach to the subfield. In examining the 'geography' of feminist historical geographies, three main categories of scholarship are evident: a 'new' historical geography of North America, portions of which are informed by feminist theories and methods; a British school of feminist historical geography with a focus on the discipline of geography, geographical knowledges and colonialism/imperialism; and feminist historical geography interventions in cultural politics of space and place. A diversity of feminist methods and epistemologies appears across the literature. In an attempt to avoid a reading of these trends as better or worse approximations of historical 'progress', the authors conceptualize them as emplaced within a number of specific social and spatial contexts. Most recent work is concerned with the production of gender differences as they are worked through economic, political, cultural and sexual differences in the creation of past geographies. The continued need simply to write women into historical narratives and geographies, however, is also evident. The work of feminist historical geography questions and challenges geography's masculinist historical record.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT The twenty‐first century will be one of intensified urbanization, on a scale never before experienced. How do urban systems and individual cities change and develop? The social sciences have many different approaches to analyzing the economic, social, and spatial dimensions of urban change. We inventory some of these approaches and their implications for public policy toward cities, urban change, and economic development.  相似文献   
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Through a discussion of Hugo Grotius’ conception of just war, this essay shows that within his critique of liberalism, Schmitt clashed with the very intellectual tradition he claimed to represent. Both historically and philosophically Schmitt's concept of the Ius Publicum Europaeum was a mirage. Indeed, his concept of the political was a rejection of the moral and civil philosophy that sees politics as the world of active citizens and commonwealths arguing with each other about fundamental questions of justice and equity.  相似文献   
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