Hunter-gatherer adaptations and assemblage structure

There is a growing tendency to conceive of hunter-gatherer adaptations as points on a yardstick, with foragers at one end and collectors on the other. Such a view limits our perspective and may trap anthropologists into seeing these categories as steps in an evolutionary progression. It is more productive to think of human adaptation as an N-dimensional space, with individual cases occurring at the intersections of the various dimensions. When this viewpoint is taken, it becomes clear that a search for a single dimension in archaeological data that can be used to characterize all prehistoric adaptations is unlikely to be fruitful. This paper explores the multidimensionality of hunter-gatherer adaptive behavior and reviews those archaeological manifestations that are empirically or logically linked with various dimensions of three components of adaptation: mobility, predation, and technology. Those manifestations with the greatest potential for characterizing prehistoric hunter-gatherer adaptive strategies are identified as measures of mobility type, frequency, stability, scheduling, demography, and range; predation mode, breadth, and scheduling; and the time budgeting and storage dimensions of technology. A subset of these measures is evaluated by comparing assemblages from the late prehistoric Columbia Plateau with expectations derived from ethnographies written on the same local area.     

Culture,technology and policy in the informal sector: attention to endogenous development

243 blacksmiths in Sierra Leone were interviewed in 1984-85 in an effort to focus on both the activities and attitudes of traditional blacksmiths in the country's economy. Due to the fact of an shortage of foreign exchange with which to import and maintain equipment, agriculture using high-technology equipment accounts for less than 15% of total production. Consequently, blacksmiths are vital to the nations' survival, despite prevailing attitudes toward them. The interviews were conducted in 9 of the 12 districts in Sierra Leone. The blacksmith operates not simply in terms of producing and servicing goods; cultural values frame his position in the community. In all of West Africa, and particularly among Mende-related peoples, there historically exists a mystique surrounding a blacksmith. In some societies, blacksmiths were believed to be witches. The arguments that most likely could account for this would probably lie in the fact that the blacksmith made farm tools and weapons of war, means of survival in the community. Thus, his position was vital. Traditionally the importance of the smith's profession lies in the fact that some of the implements he fabricates and the materials he uses are believed to provide elements of social control or to have healing powers. An appreciation of the cultural significance of the blacksmith demonstrates the degree of attachment of the population to this profession as well as the context within which one could relate to possible technological changes in the trade. An attempt was made in the interview to gather some information about levels of production. The figures represent averages, and production capacity varied owing to a number of factors, including the degree of organization of the unit, the capacity of the head of the forge to keep his team busy when work was intensive, and the degree of energy and determination of an operator to get the greatest amount of work done in 1 day. The most obvious factor influencing production levels was the size of the units. Pricing of commodities and the blacksmith's services depended on a combination of factors, but, generally, in semi-urban areas, where more impersonal relationships tended to obtain, prices appeared relatively more fixed than in rural areas. All smiths interviewed complained about the increasing scarcity of scrap iron. As there is every reason to envisage a continued dependence on informal-sector production by blacksmiths, official attitudes need to take these trades more seriously.     

THE USE OF NON-DESTRUCTIVE ACTIVATION ANALYSIS AND PATTERN RECOGNITION IN THE STUDY OF FLINT ARTEFACTS

A method is described for the identification of the origin of flint artefacts. The method is based on the variation in the trace element concentrations for different origins. The trace element concentrations were determined by non-destructive neutron activation analysis. The identification was obtained from a pattern recognition analysis.     

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Historical Archaeology -