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Wadi' Z. Haddad J. Jermain Bodine Malcolm H. Keer Issa J. Boullata James Waltz Aziz Ahmad Wadi Z. Haddad Ayab Al-Qazzaz 《Muslim world (Hartford, Conn.)》1976,66(4):297-298
Book Reviews in This Article: Trois ?uvres Inédites de mystiques musulmans: āqq? al-Bal?, Ibn ?, Niffarā. By Paul Nwyia. The Formative Period of Islamic Thought. By W. Montgomery Watt. The Arab Mind. By Raphael Patai. l?m? al-Adab al-M?r f? Mir? (Bio-bibliographical Critical Series), No. 1, h?āūsayn. By Hamdi Sakkut and Marsden Jones. A History of the Crusades. Kenneth M. Setton, general editor. Volume III, The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries , edited by Harry W. Hazard. The Muslim Dilemma in India. By M. R. A. Baig. Who is Maudoodi ? By Maryam Jameelah. A Tacit Alliance. By S. K. Crosbie. 相似文献
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Stable isotope analysis of Neolithic and Chalcolithic populations from Aktopraklık,northern Anatolia
Chelsea Budd Malcolm Lillie Songül Alpaslan-Roodenberg Necmi Karul Ron Pinhasi 《Journal of archaeological science》2013,40(2):860-867
This paper presents the results of stable isotope (carbon and nitrogen) analysis of human and faunal remains from the site of Aktoprakl?k, one of the earliest farming sites in the Eastern Marmara region of Northwest Anatolia. Excavations at this site have shown that occupation occurs from the middle of the 7th millennium BC through to the middle of the 6th millennium BC. The earliest Neolithic activity at this location occurs at the settlement site of Aktoprakl?k C. Since 2004 a number of Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic burials have been recovered from the settlement areas and an Early Chalcolithic cemetery (Aktoprakl?k B and A respectively). To date a total of 60 individuals have been recovered from Aktoprakl?k, 23 of which (20 adults [10 males, 8 females and 2 indet adults] and 3 children below ca. 12 years of age) form the basis of the current isotope study. In addition, 14 faunal samples from cattle, pig, sheep/goat and fallow deer are included in the analysis in order to facilitate a consideration of trophic level shifts and to interpret the 13C data. The data represents the first isotopic study of a farming community from this region of Anatolia. This region is important to our understanding of the north-westwards transmission of farming into Europe from the Near East, and as such Aktoprakl?k represents a key site for studying the diet of farmers at the transition to agriculture. The close clustering of isotope values overall indicates homogeneity in subsistence practices for this farming population. Interestingly, the isotope values indicate a general focus on C3 terrestrial resources at Aktoprakl?k, despite the close proximity of both freshwater and marine environments where alternative resources could have been procured. 相似文献
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Malcolm Cooper 《International affairs》2002,78(1):115-128
Turkey occupies a peculiar position in both international relations and economic policy-making. On the international front, the country is still in many senses a frontier state defining a major part of its policy outlook in terms of a political metaphor that has as much to do with the Cold War of the past as the east/west divide of the present. In the economic arena, Turkey is still one of the increasingly rare emerging markets which has never really broken free from the high growth/high inflation spiral. This article seeks to explain these apparent anomalies in terms of political structures within Turkey. The problems facing Turkish policy-makers and their inability to triumph over them is related to the weakness of political institutions within Turkey itself. Turkish political parties lack the legitimacy, policy coherence or firm base of public support easily to embrace programmes which might be perceived to threaten either the historic international position of the state or the well-being of the clients of the large state-controlled part of the economy. This weakness derives from the manner in which modern Turkey was created in the first half of the last century, a process that produced flaws in political structures which the following fifty years of democratic experience has not entirely erased. 相似文献
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This article examines why the UK Government accepted the 2014 Scottish independence referendum while the Spanish Government opposes a similar referendum in Catalonia. Adopting a most similar research design, we argue that the variation is best explained by perceived political opportunities by the two ruling parties. These are embedded in different conceptions of the state and constitutional designs, mostly mononational in Spain and mostly plurinational in the UK but multiple and contested in both cases. In Spain, vote‐seeking calculations incentivise the Popular Party to oppose a referendum, while its mononational conception of the state and the Spanish constitutional design provide a further constraint and a discursive justification for their position. In the UK, David Cameron's accommodating position was based on the view that the Scottish referendum was low risk – as support for independence was minimal – with a high reward: the annihilation of the independence demand. The Conservatives have recently adopted a more restrictive position because seeming political advantage has changed. The findings suggest that independence referendums will continue to be rare events. 相似文献