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31.
    
New Labour came into being as an attempt to frame a successor project to Thatcherism, but in practice it has proved to be a continuation of it. Blair's project was to achieve hegemony for Labour by blending free market policies with a concern for social cohesion. He accepted the new economic settlement that Thatcher had established, but believed it could be made more sustainable if it was tempered with a concern for social justice. Within the Labour Party his project was set in terms of modernizing social democracy, but in the country as a whole it was perceived as a variation on One Nation Toryism—a strand in the British political tradition which the Conservatives had seemingly forgotten. In fact, Blair's domestic agenda has had more in common with Thatcher's than with either social democracy or One Nation Toryism. There were significant constitutional reforms in the first term, but privatization and the injection of market mechanisms into hitherto autonomous institutions has remained the central thrust of policy. Blair has been committed to modernizing Britain, but his conception of modernization was a variation on Thatcher's. In one centrally important area, Blair diverges from Thatcher: he believes an essential component of Britain's modernization was an improved relationship with the EU, culminating in British entry into the euro. Yet his uncompromising support for the US over Iraq has left Britain as deeply alienated from France and Germany as it had ever been in Thatcher's time. Britain may still some day join the euro, but it will not be Tony Blair who takes us in. Blair's strategy was to attain hegemony for New Labour by appropriating the Thatcherite inheritance. In domestic terms, this strategy has been a success, but it relies on continuing Conservative weakness and an economic and international environment congenial to neo‐liberal policies. At present both of these conditions appear to be changing to Blair's disadvantage. The Conservative Party seems to be shaping a post‐Thatcherite agenda. At the same time, the US is leading a movement away from neo‐liberal orthodoxies towards protectionism and deficit financing and faces an intractable guerrilla war in Iraq. In these circumstances, the neo‐Thatcherite strategy that sustained Blair in power could prove to be his undoing.  相似文献   
32.
In June 1975, Helmut Schmidt's government in West Germany sanctioned the sale of a complete nuclear fuel cycle to Brazil, including uranium enrichment and reprocessing technology. US observers in Congress, government, and the media reacted with alarm to this apparent setback to global non-proliferation efforts as spearheaded by the Nuclear Suppliers Group. Using material from US, British, and German archives, this article examines how structural disparities in the US-German relationship augmented mutual suspicions and led both parties to behave uncooperatively.

Focused narrowly on commercial rivalry with the US, politicians and industry representatives in Bonn brushed aside the concerns of non-proliferation experts, who had a weak institutional base. Jimmy Carter came to office in 1977 determined to block the consummation of the Brazil deal; he also pressed the G-7 to discontinue nuclear fuel reprocessing. Carter's abrupt unilateralism offended US allies, but together the US and France put pressure on West Germany to renounce sensitive nuclear exports. Schmidt grudgingly agreed to show more caution, but few lessons were learned; many Germans came away feeling that US-led export restrictions were overbearing, hypocritical and self-serving. While cooperative within NATO and European frameworks, West Germans remained ambivalent on global problems of proliferation until the 1990s.  相似文献   
33.
It has been often claimed that governmental culture departments are not particularly significant or important for governments as a whole. The extent to which this is true is investigated through a combination of quantitative and qualitative assessments of departmental significance using the United Kingdom and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport as a case study. Departments are assessed across a number of criteria incorporating expenditure, law‐making, policy centrality, ministerial career trajectories, press coverage, departmental age, executive centrality, manifesto coverage and staffing patterns. On these the British example demonstrates that culture departments are not significantly important for governments as a whole. The comparative implications of this finding are identified, and potential new research areas are indicated.  相似文献   
34.
    
Provisions in government funding agreements with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) may constrain the ability of these organisations to contribute to political debate. NGOs perceive risks to their funding if they criticise government policy. Such organisations play a significant role in the democratic process, and this article examines the applicability of the constitutional freedom of political communication to ‘gag clauses’. Australian courts have not considered the constitutional freedom in this context, but the Supreme Court of the United States has considered the question in relation to the First Amendment. The article shows what can be learned from American jurisprudence and Australian case law in order to challenge such provisions.

政府与非政府组织的资助协议中的条款约束了这些组织进行政治辩论的能力。非政府组织如果批评政府的政策就会感到资助受到威胁。非政府组织在民主过程中扮演了重要的角色,本文政治探讨了交流的宪政自由能否适用于“钳口条款”。澳大利亚法庭没有处理过此类宪政自由的案子,不过美国高等法庭倒是处理过和第一修正案相关的问题。本文分析了可以从美国的司法以及澳大利亚的案例法中学到什么,以挑战这类条款。  相似文献   

35.
The article starts from an examination of the authorship of the ‘Geleitwort’, the programmatic statement which appeared in the Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft when it came under new editors in 1904. Recently scholars have begun to view it as an important text by Max Weber recovered from obscurity, but this is a mistake. Examination of major contemporary works by Weber and Werner Sombart – the obvious co-author – as well as the first public disclosure of an entirely new MS. by Weber, show that in all probability the text was drafted by Sombart and then revised fairly lightly by Weber. This story of a combined, if unequal, authorship leads into two broader seams of intellectual history: the relationship between Weber and Sombart, and the history of the Archiv as a journal. An unusual starting point thus casts fresh and unexpected light on some of the most central figures and episodes in German social science at the beginning of the 20th century, not least Weber's seminal essay on “Objectivity” in social science.  相似文献   
36.
    
Abstract

St Vitus’s Cathedral, founded in 1344, is a prime example of 14th-century cathedral Gothic, a product of the cooperation between the ingenious architect Peter Parler and his patron, Emperor Charles IV. The unusual layout consisted of a pair of choirs set side by side in the eastern section of the cathedral, an arrangement inspired by the earlier Romanesque double-choir basilica. One was dedicated to St Vitus and was used by the canons, the other to the Virgin Mary and operated by the mansionars. The royal and imperial necropolis was placed in the latter of the two choirs, with Charles IV’s tomb-chest protected by a sculptured canopy and surrounded by the cenotaphs of deceased family members and later kings and queens. The form of two choirs is probably the result of an extensive rearrangement of the earlier project completed in the 1350s, when initial plans to locate the royal burial ground in the canons’ choir were abandoned. The main choir contained a tabernacle of remarkable design, dating from c. 1365. There may originally have been plans for a third choir to be built around the tomb of St Adalbert located in the middle of the nave, the work on which was initiated in 1392.  相似文献   
37.
    
Building on theories of internal orientalism, the objective of this study is to show how intra‐national differences are reproduced through influential media representations. By abstracting news representations of Norrland, a large, sparsely populated region in the northernmost part of Sweden, new modes of “internal othering” within Western modernity are put on view. Real and imagined social and economical differences between the “rural North” and the “urban South” are explained in terms of “cultural differences” and “lifestyle” choices. The concept of Norrland is used as an abstract essentialized geographical category and becomes a metonym for a backward and traditional rural space in contrast to equally essentialized urban areas with favoured modern ideals. Specific traits of parts of the region become one with the entire region and the problems of the region become the problems of the people living in the region. I argue that the news representations play a part in the reproduction of a “space of exception”, in that one region is constructed as a traditional and undeveloped space in contrast to an otherwise modern nation. A central argument of this study is that research on identity construction and representations of place is needed to come to grips with issues of uneven regional development within western nations.  相似文献   
38.
    
ABSTRACT

This paper examines ideas of individual freedom in the Hellenistic city-states (c. 323–31 BCE). It concentrates on the civic ideas expressed in the laws and decrees of Hellenistic cities, inscribed on stone, comparing them with Hellenistic historical and philosophical works. It places different Hellenistic approaches alongside modern liberal, neo-Roman republican and civic humanist theories of individual liberty, finding some overlaps with each of those modern approaches. The argument is that the Hellenistic Greeks developed innovative ways of combining demanding ideals of civic virtue and the common good with equally robust ideals of individual freedom and ethical choice. They did so not least by adapting and developing traditional Greek approaches close to modern civic humanism, in ways very relevant to modern debates about how to reconcile civic duty, the common good and pluralism.  相似文献   
39.
From the commencement of his field research A. P. Elkin sought to bring a practical application to his work on Aborigines. He positioned anthropology as an enabling science which had the capacity to reduce conflict, violence and misunderstanding on the frontier. He stated that the ‘object of his mission [field work]’ was both ‘academic and practical’. He declared that the knowledge gained through anthropological field research would serve not only narrow academic aims but would also be put at the service of government. Anthropology's purpose was to inform and influence the formulation of government Aboriginal policy. This paper examines Elkin's first encounter and interaction with government through his relationship with A. O. Neville, chief protector of Aborigines in Western Australia. It illustrates the beginnings of what Gillian Cowlishaw has called a discourse of helping, that is Australian anthropologists in the 1930s constructed a discourse about their usefulness to government. It was a discourse which seemingly lacked critical distance from the policies of government. I argue that this discourse of helping government was heavily influenced by Elkin once he became professor of anthropology but it can be discovered in this earlier period. I conclude by discussing how the implications of this discourse were played out in the decade of the 1930s. The focus of this paper is on Elkin and his relationship with Neville and the consequences of this relationship for Elkin's later actions.  相似文献   
40.
Book reviews     
Australian Politics

Scott Bennett, Affairs of State: Politics in the Australian States and Territories (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1992) pp.230. $24.95 ISBN 1 86373 093 1.

Verity Burgmann, Power and Protest: Movements for Social Change in Australian Society (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993) pp.302. $24.95 ISBN 1 86373 211.

J.R.G. Butler (ed.), Federalism and Public Policy, Intergovernmental Grants and Health Care Financing (Canberra: Federalism Research Centre in association with National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health, 1991) pp.141. $12.95 ISBN 0 7315 1119 0.

Frank Farrell, Themes in Australian History: Questions, Issues and Interpretation in an Evolving Historiography (Kensington: University of NSW Press, 1992) pp.221. $24.95 ISBN 0 86840 212 5.

James A Gillespie, The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) pp.358. $49.95 ISBN 0 521 38183 5.

Barry Jones, Sleepers, Wake! Technology and the Future of Work (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1990) pp.285. $16.95 ISBN 0 19 553146 9.

Roger McDonald, Reflecting Labor: Images of Myth and Origin Over 100 Years (Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1991) p.49. $7.50 ISBN 0 642 10537 5.

Terry Newman, Hare‐Clark in Tasmania: Representation of All Opinions (Hobart: Joint Library Committee of the Parliament of Tasmania, 1992) pp.319. $39.95 ISBN 0 7246 3876 8.

Peter Vintila, John Phillimore and Peter Newman (eds), Markets, Morals and Manifestos: Fightback! and the Politics of Economic Rationalism in the 1990s (Perth: Institute for Science and Technology Policy, Murdoch University, 1992) pp.274. $18.95 ISBN 0 86905 233 0.

Michael Howard, ’Fightback!’ or Setback? The Cuts to Public Expenditure in the Hewson Package (Sydney: Public Sector Research Centre, University of New South Wales, 1992) pp.134. $15.00 ISSN 10348 569X.

Comparative and International Politics

John Allen, Peter Braham and Paul Lewis (eds), Political and Economic Dimensions of Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992) pp.440. $37.95 ISBN 0 7456 0962 7.

Ian Bellany, A Basis for Arms Control (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1991) pp.155 $n.p. ISBN 1 85521 051 7.

Henry Brandon (ed.)? The Future of U.S.‐European Relations: In Search of a New World Order (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1992) pp.177. $19.95 ISBN 0 8157 1058 5.

Alison Broinowski, The Yellow Lady, Australian Impressions of Asia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1992) pp.260. $39.95 ISBN 0 19 553382 8.

Robert L. Canfield (ed.), Turko‐Persia in Historical Perspective (Cambridge University Press, 1991) pp.256. $120.00 ISBN 0 521 39094 X.

Henry Frendo, Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: the Maltese Experience 2nd ed. (Valetta, Malta: Midsea Publications, 1991) pp.243. $n.p. no ISBN.

Gwendolyn Gray, Federalism and Health Policy: The Development of Health Systems in Canada and Australia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991) pp.281. $Canl9.95 ISBN 0 8020 6862 6.

Susan Kaufman Purcell and Robert M. Immerman (eds), Japan and Latin America in the New Global Order (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992) pp.163. SUS9.95 ISBN 1 55587 316 2.

St John Kettle and Stephanie Dowrick (eds), After the Gulf War: For Peace in the Middle East (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1991), pp.134; $9.95 ISBN 0 949138 69 X.

Andrew Ross (ed.), The Military Significance of the Gulf War (Canberra: Australian Defence Studies Centre) pp.79. $10.00 ISBN 0 7317 0191 7.

Ronald T. Libby, Protecting Markets: U.S. Policy and the World Grain Trade (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) pp.152. $US26.50 ISBN 0 8014 2617 0.

T.B. Millar and James Walter (eds), Asian‐Pacific Security After the Cold War (London: Sir Robert Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, University of London, 1992) pp.125. £8.50 ISBN 1 85507 044 8.

John Morrison, Boris Yeltsin. From Bolshevik to Democrat (Melbourne: Penguin, 1991) pp.303. $16.95 ISBN 0 14 017062 6.

Cornelia Navari (ed.), Conditions of States: A Study in International Political Theory (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1991) pp.228. $ 39.95 ISBN 0 335 09667 0.

V. Spike Peterson (ed.), Gendered States: Feminist (Re)Visions of International Relations Theory (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1992) pp.225. $US16.95 ISBN 1 55587 328 6.

Edith Rogovin Frankel, Jonathan Frankel and Baruch Knei‐Paz (eds), Revolution in Russia: Reassessments of 1917 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) pp.434. $145.00 ISBN 0 521 40523 8.

B. Guy Smith, The Politics of Taxation: A Comparative Perspective (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991) pp.338. $39.95 ISBN 1 55786 211 7.

Ramesh Thakur (ed.), The South Pacific: Problems, Issues and Prospects (Melbourne: Macmillan, 1991) pp.232. $49.95 ISBN 333 55704 2.

Political Theory and Methodology

Perry Anderson, A Zone of Engagement (London: Verso, 1992) pp.384. $39.95 ISBN 0 86091 595 6.

Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (Cambridge: Polity, 1991) pp.338. $34.95 ISBN 0 7456 0930 9.

Paul Buhle, Marxism in the USA (London: Verso, 1991) pp.302. $34.95 ISBN 0 86091 547 6.

Hal Draper (edited and with an introduction by E. Haberkern), Socialism from Below: Essays Selected (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1992) pp.282. SUS25.00 ISBN 0 391 03732 3.

Richard E. Flathman, Wilful Liberalism: Voluntarism and Individuality in Political Theory and Practice (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1992) pp.232. SUS15.35 ISBN 0 8014 9955 0.

Norman Frohlich and Joe A. Oppenheimer, Choosing Justice: An Experimental Approach to Ethical Theory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992) pp.258. SUS45.00 ISBN 0 520 07299 5.

Agnes Heller and Ferenc Feher, The Postmodern Political Condition (Cambridge: Polity, 1991) pp.167. $32.95 ISBN 0 7456 0929 5.

George Armstrong Kelly, The Humane Comedy: Constant, Tocqueville and French Liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) pp.262. $120 ISBN 0 521 41227 7.

David Keyt and Fred D. Miller Jr (eds), A Companion to Aristotle's Politics (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1991) pp.407. $45.00 ISBN 1 55786 098 X.

Chantal Mouffe (ed.), Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992) pp.254. $ 34.95 ISBN 0 86091 556 5.  相似文献   

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