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With the end of the Cold War the concepts of the geopolitical order of Europe have changed. Within this process the European Union plays a significant role. When the Iron Curtain came down, negotiations about the potential enlargement to the East started and the EU positioned itself differently regarding worldwide conflicts and wars. The influence of the new geopolitical situation on national long-term orientations and changes in the representations of the national representatives is the focal point of this paper. It analyses the current discourses on Europe, the European Union and its global role based on selected interviews with high ranking politicians. The main issues are: how far does Europe extend and which part of Europe will form the EU? And which internal power relations will the EU develop in the future. A discourse analysis shows how the current problems are verbalised within the geopolitical representations and how they affect the political arena. In this paper the word discourse is used to describe a social process which can be called ‘inclination of sense’ or, in a more sophisticated manner, ‘genesis of meaning’. This meaning refers to (a) the processual character of political, social and territorial organisation, (b) its reflection in the mass media and its construction of what can be called ‘European’ or ‘familiar with Europe’ and (c) the influence of the semantic order on political decisions, which impose a specific structural order and social organisation.  相似文献   
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This paper explores the lived-in world of gold miners in Rossland, British Columbia. By 1898 Rossland had become the site of highly capitalized industrial mining operations. It will be argued that the experienced world of the employees of these mines went beyond the workplace to include other routinely frequented 'locales.' These locales can be demonstrated to be important to identification as a miner: the mines were part of a common work experience; the home, whether in single-family dwelling or a boarding-house room, reflected the realities of tenuous wage work in a frontier town; and the saloons and union hall provided spaces where opinions and ideologies could be freely articulated and shared. A key concept will be that of 'biography formation' which embeds identity, assumptions, and values in specific time-space settings.
Cet article examine le vécu des mineurs de l'or á Rossland en Colombie-Britannique. En 1898 Rossland était un emplacement des opérations d'industrie á capital élevé. Nous démontrons que l'expérience du monde des employés de ces mines comprenait non seulement le lieu de travail mais d'autres lieux souvent fréquentés. Nous discuterons comment ces lieux sont importants pour l'identité du mineur: les mines faisaient partie d'une expérience de travail commune; le foyer, soit une maison á famille unique soit une chambre en pension, reflétait les réalités d'un travail á salaire discontinu dans une ville frontière; et les saloons et la salle d'ouvriers syndiqués étaient des endroits où on pouvait s'exprimer et partager franchement ses opinions et ses idéologies. Un concept essentiel dans cet article est la formation biographique qui englobe l'identité, les suppositions et les valeurs d'un cadre de temps et d'espace précis.  相似文献   
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Eighty-six Roman amphora sherds from the Plemmirio B shipwreck, off Sicily, have been analysed by neutron activation analysis. A large group representative of the amphora cargo, mainly of forms Africana 1 and Africana 2A (from the area of modern Tunisia), was subsequently defined. No differences between Africana 1 and Africana 2A samples were observed, thus implying a similar origin for both forms. The provenance of this cargo group was then investigated by comparison with a Roman amphora kiln data base. After elimination of the more mobile elements it was shown that the cargo amphorae were more likely to have been manufactured at kilns around Sullecthum rather than Leptis Minor. The analytical conclusions are thoroughly consistent with the known archaeological information.  相似文献   
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Based on the evidence of Devon and Cornwall, politicians continuedto regard the provincial press as highly influential in determiningtheir readers' party political affiliations well into the twentiethcentury. Until at least 1914, many of the leading local andregional newspapers were owned by prominent local politicians.After 1918, especially following the amalgamation of the twomain Conservative and Liberal papers, local politicians feltkeenly their lack of a reliable source of press support. Thecost of funding a party political newspaper became too highfor all but the richest politicians. Moreover, the status ofthe provincial press was increasingly undermined by improvedrail communications, allowing the national press to competeeven in farthest Cornwall. The wireless also reduced the importanceof the provincial press from the late 1920s. The real political influence of the provincial press is impossibleto assess with any certainty. Newspapermen believed that, despitethe often substantial expenditure by politicians, a stronglyparty political paper was more likely to alienate non-partisanreaders, leading to neither political nor commerical success.Modern research also suggests that partisan newspapers are probablyonly partially successful, doing more to reinforce their readers'existing opinions than to convert non-believers. *I am grateful to the University of Reading Library for permissionto quote from the Lord and Lady Astory papers, and to the WesternMorning News for permission to quote from their records, whichare deposited at the West Devon County Record Office.  相似文献   
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