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91.
论文以英国华裔青少年为例,通过问卷调查,了解中国电影在海外华侨华人中的接收情况,探讨了电影对中华文化在海外华侨华人中传播的作用和效果。论文认为中国电影是华侨华人接触和了解中华文化的重要途径,海外华人对中华文化有强烈的认知渴求,希望从中国电影中获取关于中国"言"、"象"、"意"的多层次、多元认知,他们对历史和当代中国的情况并重,对中国电影的解读体现出其文化间性。电影作为中华文化海外传播的重要窗口,应该增加其内容和形式的多样性,摆脱题材的单一性和对中国的刻板印象,用中国的话语讲好世界的故事,以摆脱文化弱势的处境,彰显中华文化的魅力,让中华文化更好地被华侨华人和世界所接受。  相似文献   
92.
While recent research on temporary clusters and temporary markets has emphasized the knowledge generation processes associated with trade fairs, little is known about the knowledge exchanges that are embedded in market relations at these events. This paper uses the case of the Canton Fair in Guangzhou, the largest trade fair in China, to illustrate that such events do not operate as a single market, but that they generate multiple dynamic market configurations, which entail different flows of knowledge, goods and people. In a typical case study, four types of market configurations are identified that simultaneously develop at this event. The findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of market relations, knowledge and transactions in temporary spatial settings.  相似文献   
93.
2015年6月,南京博物院、邳州市博物馆联合对江苏省邳州市蘑菇顶D1进行发掘,清理了两座墓葬,推测其时代分别为东汉时期(M1)和春秋战国时期(M2)。墓葬多次遭盗掘,没有出土随葬品,仅在盗洞中发现一些残器。M2应为古徐国大型墓葬;墓底有较小方坑,墓道、墓室为多次分块夯筑,这种墓葬结构与夯筑方式较为独特、少见。这一发现对于徐州地区春秋战国时期墓葬研究,特别是古徐国葬制、葬俗具有重要的意义。  相似文献   
94.
为了确定武惠妃墓室内发现的黑色多孔块状物质是否为绘制壁画时使用的胶结材料,联合使用显微镜观察、SEM-EDS、Raman、FTIR和GC-FID多种分析方法对该物质进行了显微结构观察、元素组成及物质组成分析。结果表明,该物质虽已炭化,但内部仍可见一些较新鲜的胶料残留,其成分为动物胶,并在其中发现了少量红色朱砂颜料残留。通过古文献记载和以往研究成果讨论了结果的可靠性。该研究不仅丰富了唐代墓葬壁画绘制技艺的考古学研究,更可为后期文物保护材料和工艺的选择提供借鉴。  相似文献   
95.
古建筑三维重建已成为历史遗迹保护与修复的重要内容。为了探讨三维激光扫描数据的获取流程、数据处理方法,以三维激光扫描获取的大雁塔海量点云数据为例,研究了古建筑三维重建中点云数据获取与处理的详细过程。联合Cyclone、AutoCAD和3D-Max软件的优点构建了大雁塔真实的横面、剖面、立面模型,其中重点研究了海量点云数据在Cyclone软件中分块建模的方法。结果表明:将拼接好的大雁塔海量点云数据分块建模,不仅加快了数据处理的速度,而且符合精度要求。在点云数据拼接时采用标靶拼接和同名点拼接相结合及测站间两两拼接之后再整体拟合平差的方法,减少了拼接中的误差,使每站拼接误差都不超过3cm。在建模过程中的墙体拟合是上万个点云经过平差计算得到,精度高达2mm。最后在3D-Max软件中组合、渲染和贴图,真实地构建了大雁塔三维立体模型。为古建筑数字化存档和后期的修缮工作提供了重要的依据。  相似文献   
96.
In the 15‐year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the “Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon,” on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al‐Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy. In 2000, the year of Hafiz al‐Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi‘a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al‐Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country. We argue that the difference in the degree of anti‐Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al‐Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi‘a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al‐Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter‐ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de‐facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States‐led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005. These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent‐minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different. Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so‐called “security zone” in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better “management” of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.  相似文献   
97.
The handle‐shaped artefact is a special jade object of the Three Dynasties (c.2000–200 bc ) period. The manufacturing technology and function of the handle‐shaped artefacts are widely questioned. In this paper, two handle‐shaped artefacts from Yinxu (c.1300–1046 bc ) are tested by digital microscope, Raman spectrometer and scanning electron microscope. The results indicate that the handle‐shaped artefacts might be made in four steps, namely rough shape cutting, edge reforming, handle making and single‐side polishing. It also suggests that the handle‐shaped artefacts might be used as sacrificial offerings, but not as hairpins or handles.  相似文献   
98.
This paper explores the integration of chemical data with metric studies and spatial analyses of archaeological artifacts to investigate questions of specialization, standardization, and production organization behind large-scale technological enterprises. The main analytical focus is placed on the 40,000 bronze arrowheads recovered with the Terracotta Army in the First Emperor’s Mausoleum, Xi’an, China. Based on the identification by portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometry of chemical clusters that correspond to individual metal batches, and combined with a study of their context in the tomb complex, we argue that the manufacture of arrows was organized via a cellular production model with various multi-skilled units rather than as a single production line. This system favored more adaptable and efficient logistical organization that facilitated dynamic cross-craft interaction while maintaining remarkable degrees of standardization. We discuss the use of “the batch” as an analytical category and how our method might be applied to other studies of craft organization in complex societies and imperial systems.  相似文献   
99.
By focusing on Guangzhou's street‐vending policy transformation, this article explores how exclusionary practices of urban politics in China are undermined by those who it seeks to exclude and the progressive political climate that questions the exclusionary framework. The exclusion of street vendors in Guangzhou has been led by the National Sanitary City campaign as a revanchist project. It has been discovered that while the exclusionary strategies are rendered difficult to operate due to the resistance of street vendors who develop a flexible, individualized and small‐scale activism to maintain their livelihoods, the discourse of social harmony at national level has driven local authorities to seek alternatives expected to alleviate social resistance and address people's livelihoods. However, rather than an overturn of the punitive framework, an ambivalent approach, recognized in a recent critique of revanchism, has been adopted to mediate the tension between the needs to retain attractive city images and address the livelihoods of the poor in Chinese cities.  相似文献   
100.
Abstract

This paper develops a simple model to illustrate the scenario of unsustainable development in a foreign-dominated casino city. We argue that instead of allowing the uncontrolled expansion of foreign casinos, the host community should protect and promote local gambling businesses for the sake of promoting sustainable development. Macao is used as a case study.  相似文献   
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