旅游地可持续生计：国际研究进展评述及其对中国的启示

系统梳理总结旅游地可持续生计的国际研究进展,对我国未来旅游地可持续生计研究具有重要启示与借鉴。文章基于Web of Science检索工具,对旅游地可持续生计的相关外文文献进行归纳与评述,在辨析可持续生计概念及分析框架的基础上,从脆弱性背景、生计资本评估、生计策略转型、结构与制度及生计结果五个方面总结了旅游发展对目的地可持续生计的影响作用,并进一步从旅游地可持续生计与生态保护及文化遗产发展之间的作用关系、旅游地可持续生计的适应性与恢复力等方面全面回顾了旅游地可持续生计与社会—生态系统协同发展的相关研究。基于旅游地可持续生计的国际研究述评,文章进一步展望了未来我国旅游地可持续生计研究的重点与方向。     

明代河南土地丈量综述

有明一代,河南省曾进行了三次土地丈量活动：第一次在明初洪武年间,丈量出的土地数字仅是当时开垦的土地数,不能反映全省实有的土地数量。第二次在明中期嘉靖年间,是在一种错误思想的指导之下进行的,丈量之后又以“符合原额”为宗旨,大量进行了折亩活动,故丈量出的土地数字既不能反映当时河南省的开垦耕种数,也不能反映当时实有的土地数字。第三次是在明中后期万历年间进行的,指导思想明确,法令严格,方法得当,丈量出的土地数字既能反映当时河南省的开垦耕种数,又代表了全省实有的耕地数字。     

从对中国电影的态度看中华文化在海外华人中的传播——对英国华裔青少年的调查分析

论文以英国华裔青少年为例,通过问卷调查,了解中国电影在海外华侨华人中的接收情况,探讨了电影对中华文化在海外华侨华人中传播的作用和效果。论文认为中国电影是华侨华人接触和了解中华文化的重要途径,海外华人对中华文化有强烈的认知渴求,希望从中国电影中获取关于中国"言"、"象"、"意"的多层次、多元认知,他们对历史和当代中国的情况并重,对中国电影的解读体现出其文化间性。电影作为中华文化海外传播的重要窗口,应该增加其内容和形式的多样性,摆脱题材的单一性和对中国的刻板印象,用中国的话语讲好世界的故事,以摆脱文化弱势的处境,彰显中华文化的魅力,让中华文化更好地被华侨华人和世界所接受。     

江苏邳州蘑菇顶D1发掘与相关问题研究

2015年6月,南京博物院、邳州市博物馆联合对江苏省邳州市蘑菇顶D1进行发掘,清理了两座墓葬,推测其时代分别为东汉时期(M1)和春秋战国时期(M2)。墓葬多次遭盗掘,没有出土随葬品,仅在盗洞中发现一些残器。M2应为古徐国大型墓葬;墓底有较小方坑,墓道、墓室为多次分块夯筑,这种墓葬结构与夯筑方式较为独特、少见。这一发现对于徐州地区春秋战国时期墓葬研究,特别是古徐国葬制、葬俗具有重要的意义。     

唐武惠妃墓出土疑似胶结材料的分析研究

为了确定武惠妃墓室内发现的黑色多孔块状物质是否为绘制壁画时使用的胶结材料,联合使用显微镜观察、SEM-EDS、Raman、FTIR和GC-FID多种分析方法对该物质进行了显微结构观察、元素组成及物质组成分析。结果表明,该物质虽已炭化,但内部仍可见一些较新鲜的胶料残留,其成分为动物胶,并在其中发现了少量红色朱砂颜料残留。通过古文献记载和以往研究成果讨论了结果的可靠性。该研究不仅丰富了唐代墓葬壁画绘制技艺的考古学研究,更可为后期文物保护材料和工艺的选择提供借鉴。     

基于海量点云数据的大雁塔三维重建

古建筑三维重建已成为历史遗迹保护与修复的重要内容。为了探讨三维激光扫描数据的获取流程、数据处理方法,以三维激光扫描获取的大雁塔海量点云数据为例,研究了古建筑三维重建中点云数据获取与处理的详细过程。联合Cyclone、AutoCAD和3D-Max软件的优点构建了大雁塔真实的横面、剖面、立面模型,其中重点研究了海量点云数据在Cyclone软件中分块建模的方法。结果表明:将拼接好的大雁塔海量点云数据分块建模,不仅加快了数据处理的速度,而且符合精度要求。在点云数据拼接时采用标靶拼接和同名点拼接相结合及测站间两两拼接之后再整体拟合平差的方法,减少了拼接中的误差,使每站拼接误差都不超过3cm。在建模过程中的墙体拟合是上万个点云经过平差计算得到,精度高达2mm。最后在3D-Max软件中组合、渲染和贴图,真实地构建了大雁塔三维立体模型。为古建筑数字化存档和后期的修缮工作提供了重要的依据。     

The Father's Success and the Son's Failure: Explaining the Growth of Lebanon's Resistance to Syria's Invisible Occupation

In the 15‐year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the “Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon,” on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al‐Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy. In 2000, the year of Hafiz al‐Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi‘a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al‐Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country. We argue that the difference in the degree of anti‐Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al‐Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi‘a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al‐Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter‐ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de‐facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States‐led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005. These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent‐minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different. Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so‐called “security zone” in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better “management” of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.     

袁黄劝善思想与明清江南地区的慈善事业

明末以来,社会变动剧烈,道德体系紊乱.为了缓和这种情况,地方士绅编纂各种劝善书以教化民众,试图重建社会道德秩序,维持社会的稳定,在善书的形成、发展和流传过程中,明代后期的江南士绅袁黄具有承前启后的作用.作为善举运动的倡导者,袁黄的思想不仅对有清一代善书的编纂、流传发生了重要影响,而且对明末以后江南地区的民间慈善事业起到了思想指导作用.     

“姊”之流变考

时下语言工作者对亲属称谓泛化的研究大都局限在现代汉语,本文从古代汉语“姊”的角度分析它的泛化形式和使用范围,研究它从中古汉语到近代汉语时期的发展演变,揭示其泛化原因。并以本文的研究成果修订辞书,校勘文献。