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41.
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东汉初年,匈奴分裂,其中南匈奴部落在公元48~50年间将单于庭先后设在五原塞地区、云中郡及西河美稷,这样的变化明显体现出其空间发展过程和地域特色,同时也包含着匈奴族与汉政府之间复杂的政治关系、地理格局以及两族之间的和战与相互影响. 相似文献
43.
日本的海权观及其海洋领土争端——一种建构主义的尝试分析 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
东北亚国家对于海洋权益的认知渐进深入,以及地缘政治实况和国家实力消长等,构成了社会意识与物质力量变迁的合力,加剧了日本与周边国家之间普遍存在海洋领土争端这一社会情势。当代西方国际关系理论中的建构主义为上述实况提供了一种新的思维尝试、分析框架与消解困境的方案补充。东北亚海洋领土争端困境的解决关键在于如何利用预留的政治空间。 相似文献
44.
Tianyu Feng 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(1):47-60
The cluster of technical terms that the Jesuit Matteo Ricci and his Chinese partners Xu Guangqi and Li Zhizao cotranslated
and introduced into Chinese in the late Ming dynasty was of significance for Chinas cultural transformation. For instance,
“brain” replaced “heart” as a specific term referring to the organ of consciousness and memory. The classical Chinese interrogative
numeral jihe was used to represent the core mathematical term “geometry”. Diqiu, meaning “the globe of the earth” in English, was minted to amend the traditional hemispherical dome cosmology. The identification
of “Cathay” with China clarified the ambiguity in the Western geographical concept of the Far East, which had existed since
the Middle Ages.
Translated from Wuhan University Journal (Humanity Sciences), No. 6, 2003 相似文献
45.
Dangerous Places and Wild Spaces: Creating Meaning with Materials and Space at Contemporary Maya Shrines on El Duende Mountain 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Linda A. Brown 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》2004,11(1):31-58
Ethnoarchaeological observations at Maya shrines on a sacred mountain suggest that three potent material strategies imbue ritual practices with different social meanings: 1) the use of different types of materials as offerings in various rites, 2) the ways in which the physical conditions of an offering are altered during deposition, and 3) the choice of location where the offering is deposited within the site relative to a ceremonial focal point. Through these strategies, individuals creatively negotiate limited access to material resources and assign diverse meanings to the material culture, practices, and places of ritual. Materials that represent commoners' rituals may primarily consist of quotidian items that are transformed in meaning by how and where they are deposited into an archaeological context. 相似文献
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Linda Connor Nick Higginbotham Sonia Freeman Glenn Albrecht 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》2008,78(1):76-90
ABSTRACT Water is a resource that both unites and divides people in the Upper Hunter Valley of New South Wales, where many communities are facing the prospect of large‐scale open‐cut coalmining developments on productive mixed use land, or already live in proximity to mines and power stations. This article analyses conflicts over a proposed coal mine at Bickham in the Upper Hunter Valley, by contrasting the various protagonists' discourses of water scarcity, supply, and connectivity. It examines the ways in which the terms of opposition are narrowed to the arena of state and industry supported science and economic development, marginalising other cultural values and environmental ethics that are integral to opponents' discourses. Opponents have achieved some measure of success through contestation of the uncertain science of hydrological modelling, bolstered by the context of drought and increasing public acceptance of climate change science. 相似文献
48.
本文认为,在藏族的苯教文化中,冈底斯神山占有重要的地位。由于特殊的地理位置、俊美奇险的山形以及宗教、历史、神话和传说所赋予的神秘感,使冈底斯山具有了强烈的感召力、诱惑力,对它的崇拜和祭祀,已经成为千百年来藏族永恒不变的情结。 相似文献
49.
Allan McConnell Anika Gauja Linda Courtenay Botterill 《Australian journal of political science》2008,43(4):599-616
In 1999, the Australian government privatised the statutory Australian Wheat Board and created AWB Limited, transferring the Board's assets and its export monopoly to a grower-controlled company. In 2000, allegations surfaced that AWB Limited had made payments to Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime in order to secure lucrative wheat exports worth $500 million per annum. Such actions violated the terms of the United Nations' Oil-for-Food Programme and became one of the biggest corporate scandals in Australian history. It also placed considerable pressure on senior ministers in John Howard's coalition government who were vulnerable on a number of issues, including the existence of numerous warning signs and the extent of ministerial awareness. The purpose of this article is to outline and examine the federal government's role in managing the ensuing blame game. It utilises literature on policy fiascos and blame management to create a conceptual framework that is then applied to the unfolding dynamics of the AWB Limited case. It examines issues such as the roles played by the Cole Inquiry and the political language of ministers in steering blame away from ministers and towards AWB Limited and the UN. 相似文献
50.