The ‘Triple R’ Approach on the Restoration of Archaeological Dry Stone City Walls: Procedures and Application to a UNESCO World Heritage Site in Oman

The ‘Triple R’ approach on the restoration of dry stone walls, using recognizable, reversible and respectful constructive techniques is here illustrated. A set of restoration procedures are explained and applied to a UNESCO World Heritage site in Al-Baleed (Salalah, Sultanate of Oman) in the ‘Land of Frankincense’. The procedures were adapted in an innovative way to take into account the climate features of the Indian Ocean area (specifically, the effects of the monsoon season). All the restoration procedures aimed at conserving the site’s original architectural features by using only suitable stones and materials found on-site. Specific procedures have been adopted to consolidate walls, gates, foundations and sloping surfaces. Simple on-site mechanical tests and evaluation methods have been developed for a quick assessment of the safety level of the restored walls to ease future archaeological excavations. The application is related to a waterfront side of the ancient city built around the ninth century and added to over the next five centuries. These restoration procedures allowed for further archaeological excavations with new findings is here described.     

Who are the People in my Neighborhood?: The “Contextual Fallacy” of Measuring Individual Context with Census Geographies

Scholars frequently use counts of populations aggregated into geographic units like census tracts to represent measures of neighborhood context. Decades of research confirm that variation in how individuals are aggregated into geographic units can dramatically alter analyses conducted with these units. While most researchers are aware of the problem, they have lacked the tools to determine its magnitude or its capacity to affect analytical results obtained using these contextual measures. Using confidential access to the complete 2010 U.S. Decennial Census, we can construct—for all persons in the U.S.—individual-specific contexts, which we group according to Census-assigned block, block group, and tract. We compare these individual-specific measures to the published statistics at each scale, and we then determine the degree to which published measures could be affected by how boundaries are drawn using a simple statistic, the standard deviation of individual context (SDIC). For three key measures (percent Black, percent Hispanic, and Entropy—a measure of ethno-racial diversity), we find that block-level Census statistics frequently contain a high degree of uncertainty meaning that they may not capture the actual context of individuals within them. More problematic, we uncover systematic spatial patterns in the uncertainty associated with contextual variables at all three scales.     

Collecting Material Folklore: Motivations and Methods in the Owen and Hasluck Collections

As contributor to the mistakenly conceptualised concept of “belief legend,” I want to survey the historical antecedents and the circumstances that at a certain stage prompted researchers to identify this category, formerly classified as mythical or demonological legend. This was the time when legend scholars began field-collection, experiencing the profound attachment of narratives to living local folk religion. After decades of meticulous field observation, which has led to the accumulation of a more dependable stock of legendry from diverse national, subcultural, occupational groups, it becomes clear that folk belief is a part of any legend, therefore there is no need to maintain the term “belief legend.” Belief is the stimulator and the purpose of telling any narrative within the larger category of the legend genre; it is also the instigator of the legend dialectic. The current confusion caused by the whimsical application of terms such as “truth,” “rationality,” “belief,” and “believability” in scholarly legend interpretations, should caution us to avoid making biased, outsider's judgements instead of presenting the viewpoint of tellers and audiences.     

Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness: A Class Analysis of Responses to Homelessness

Abstract: Prominent assumptions about street homelessness and how it should be addressed originate primarily from middle class domiciled worldviews. This article draws on interviews with 58 street homeless people to develop a typology for explaining different forms of homelessness resulting from differences in class of origin. The concepts of social distance and abjection are used to illustrate how class politics manifests in street homelessness and in responses to this issue. Many of our homeless participants referred to two broad groupings of homeless people who display distinct experiences and cultures in their daily lives on the streets. Drifters are people who do not experience homelessness as a sharp disjuncture from their previously housed life. Street homelessness is a continuation of the hardships of their lower class backgrounds. Droppers are people who have “fallen” on hard times and aspire to return to mainstream middle class lifeworlds. Differentiating between these two groups provides a space for defamiliarizing dominant understandings of, and current generic responses to, homelessness and foregrounds the need for reorienting services to better meet the needs of drifters.     

Material constraints to popular imaginaries: The extractive economy and resource nationalism in Bolivia

Widespread neoliberal-era privatizations in South America's extractive economies rekindled longstanding social movement demands for nationalist control of non-renewable resources and propelled the region's left political turn over the last decade. In Bolivia, where resource extraction has dominated exports since colonial times, social movements employing resource nationalist master frames overturned governments in 1952, 2003, and 2005. In 2005 indigenous leader Evo Morales was elected president promising to direct resource wealth to generate economic development, but the structural constraints created by an extractive economy have made these goals impossible to achieve over the short and medium term. This article suggests that the clash between resource nationalist imaginaries embedded in contentious social movements and the realities of long-term extractive dependent economies not only limits government policy options but also fuels continued social protest.     

World Heritage List: does it make sense?

The UNESCO World Heritage List contains the 900 most treasured sites of humanity's culture and landscapes. This List is beneficial where heritage sites are undetected, disregarded by national decision‐makers, not commercially exploitable, and where national financial resources, political control, and technical knowledge for conservation are inadequate. Alternatives such as market and national conservation lists are more beneficial where the cultural and natural sites are already popular, markets work well, and where inclusion in the List does not raise the destruction potential by excessive tourism, and in times of war, or by terrorists.     

De la caída de Tenochtitlán al decaimiento del Make Sicko Seedy de Carlos Fuentes: Ciudades en crisis,mundos por nacer

Carlos Fuentes's 1987 carnivalesque novel, Cristóbal nonato, criticizes Mexico's prehispanic past through a satire of Tenochtitlán-Mexico City in the neoliberal, postnational era. This study consequently juxtaposes criticism, theory, and analysis from both imperial Aztec Mexico and nationalist modern Mexico. While the bulk of this 600-page novel confronts readers with a highly negative (although often risible) view of both Mexicos, it ultimately leads to a happy ending with a didactic twist: If Mexicans will stop abandoning Mexico for the North or other green pastures, and instead stay in Mexico despite its many problems, they can turn things around by their altruism and their activist determination.     

Non-destructive chemical characterization of ceramic sherds from Shipwreck 31CR314 and Brunswick Town, North Carolina

The purpose of this study was to chemically and texturally characterize ceramic oil jar sherds from North Carolina Shipwreck 31CR314 and to explore the utility of environmental scanning electron microscopy/X-ray energy dispersive spectrometry (SEM/EDS) for that purpose. The oil jar sherds, widely dispersed about Shipwreck 31CR314, are morphologically similar to each other, which suggests they could be from a single jar, but with so few joins this could not be concluded with certainty. Therefore, an aim of this study was to investigate whether chemical or textural characterization of the sherds might reveal unique attributes that could distinguish individual jars; results of characterization perhaps could give information on their origin and possibly site formation processes, such as whether environmental forces could have scattered sherds of a single jar during and after sinking of the ship. Previous studies have indicated this shipwreck is likely the remnants of the Queen Anne's Revenge, flagship of the pirate Blackbeard. Sherds from this shipwreck were compared with similar oil jar sherds excavated from a land site, Brunswick Town, North Carolina, to explore the use of composition and texture as hallmarks. The chemical components of the artifacts were determined by SEM/EDS. This method of analysis is valuable for archaeological research because it is rapid and non-destructive to the ceramic artifacts. Both groups of lead-glazed coarse red earthenware sherds were texturally similar except for the glazed sides of all 31CR314 sherds that exhibited small tracks of unique crescent-shaped marks. These marks may be due to manufacturing effects and immersion in seawater, and the marks may serve as hallmarks for individual jars or potentially individual manufacturers. The sherds were generally similar in composition, but the two groups exhibited distinct differences. Brunswick Town sherds consistently contained more phosphate on unglazed sides, an average 1.46 wt.% P₂O₅, and also contained trace elements not detected in the Shipwreck 31CR314 sherds. These distinct differences could be due to different manufacturing origins for Shipwreck 31CR314 and Brunswick Town ceramics but also could reflect their subjection to different environments during use and loss prior to archaeological recovery.