全文获取类型
收费全文 | 277篇 |
免费 | 23篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 22篇 |
2017年 | 25篇 |
2016年 | 25篇 |
2015年 | 14篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 51篇 |
2012年 | 8篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有300条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
Laura I. Langbein 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(1):35-55
A repeated finding in political science is the influence of a representative's so-called ideology on roll call voting in the U.S. House and Senate. Many of these studies attempt explicitly to separate the impact on roll call voting of "personal" ideology from that of constituency ideological preferences. In these studies, personal ideology is viewed as a form of shirking in which members pursue their own policy preferences rather than those of their constituents. This paper shows, at least for the case of defense in the Senate in the 1980s, that the evidence is sufficient to reject the claim that shirking represents the consumption of personal ideological policy preferences. Instead, the apparent impact of shirking on defense voting was an instrumental, reelection-oriented response to President Reagan's ability to muster popular support for his defense build up, and thus cannot be regarded as shirking at all. 相似文献
92.
Laura Zanotti 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2013,20(3):346-362
In this article, I suggest that a critical analysis of Kayapó participation in resistance strategies should be inclusive of negotiated politics, everyday resistance and micro-scale strategies of contestation along with the public and highly dramatic. In particular, I interweave theories of gender, resistance and space to analyse women's strategies of resistance and spaces of negotiation in a Kayapó village. I not only emphasize the performative politics of activism, but also highlight the gendered facets of performance and resistance. I suggest that a critical analysis of women's participation in resistance strategies should be inclusive of but not overshadowed by the highly visible, spectacular forms of social movements. Drawing upon more than 12 months of ethnographic research in a Kayapó village, I note the importance of examining everyday experiences of discord and resistance in Kayapó villages. This micro-scale perspective is especially salient if we consider that women might be unevenly included or not have routine access to leadership roles and protests. Finally, I draw attention to the power-laden spatial politics of contestation in order to trace the way in which women are using distinct facets of village landscapes for performative practices and politics. 相似文献
93.
Mario Galea Roslyn DeBattista Matthew Grima Laura Maccarelli Rosanne Borg Charles Zerafa 《Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites》2013,15(4):315-326
The damaging effects of sea salt aerosols on Globigerina Limestone are well known, and various professionals have studied and reported on the often complex underlying deterioration mechanisms. Following a preventive conservation project, undertaken to shelter and protect the UNESCO World Heritage Neolithic temple sites of Hagar Qim and Mnajdra, the Preventive Conservation Unit within the Diagnostic Science Laboratory at Heritage Malta embarked on a pilot study to identify whether sea salt aerosol deposition patterns within the site alter significantly post sheltering. The results from this short pilot study, by identifying the presence of salts using ion chromatography, have shown that there is a consistent pattern that when directly linked to the intrinsic shape of the temple interior as well as to the micro-environmental factors that are changing as a direct result to the sheltering, point to the trends of greater pollutant accumulation, particularly dust. 相似文献
94.
Laura Hapke 《American Communist History》2013,12(2):167-169
In 1944 we received, hidden in a tube of toothpaste, a circular from the Central Committee of the French Communist Party addressed to party members in prisons, prisoner of war and concentration camps. It gave guidance on the tasks of the party in such places, stressing particularly the need for national and international solidarity, clandestine propaganda and preparation for escape. We had already acted on similar lines, nevertheless the letter was fully discussed by our committee, accepted and distributed, with appropriate caution to other camps. I delivered a copy to the women comrades in Rajsko, one of the subsidiary Auschwitz camps.Account by Jonny Huttner, a Jewish and Polish-German prisoner in Auschwitz-Monowitz 1 相似文献
95.
96.
97.
Modernity and the Other Woman: Gender and National Identity in the Egyptian Women's Press: 1952–1967
Laura Bier 《Gender & history》2004,16(1):99-112
This article looks at depictions of non‐Egyptian women in the Egyptian women's press during the Nasser period, from 1952–1967. A regular and recurring feature of the Egyptian women's press during the 1950s and 1960s, representations of foreign women were products of both global and local struggles. Enabled by a world order increasingly transformed by the political voices of colonial and post‐colonial subjects, such representations were also bound up in Egyptian debates about gender subjectivities, the consequences of state and nation building, and the boundaries of national identity. While they can be read as contributing to the creation of what Chandra Mohanty has called ‘an imagined community of third world oppositional struggles’, they also suggest much about how the liberating, emancipatory possibilities of post‐colonial/anti‐imperialist projects limit their own possibility for realisation. 相似文献
98.
99.
100.
Laura Brunell 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2005,12(3):293-316
The article explores the spatial distribution and institutional geography of domestic violence service provision in post-communist Poland. A new institutional geography providing services to victims of domestic violence is emerging in Poland as a result of NGO activism and new pro-woman policies implemented by the state. NGOs, often in partnership with local governments, are the most vital means of service provision in large and medium size cities, while in rural areas, public agencies predominate in the institutional geography of service provision. The assumption that NGOs will emerge to address the needs of victims of domestic violence is not realistic in rural areas. While urban Poland is developing an institutional geography to address domestic violence, state and NGO activists must focus on shrinking the rural margins of Poland's institutional geography. 相似文献