Immigration, the internet, and spaces of politics

This paper examines the kinds of politics that are enabled by the Internet with respect to immigrants to the United States; its primary concern is whether the political spaces created through the Internet can foster incorporation of immigrants in the political community or whether the political activity on the Internet seems likely to lead to a more fractionalized political community in which the position of immigrants remains marginal. This exploration is based first on a random sample of web-sites about immigration and second on a more targeted sample of sites aimed specifically at two immigrant groups. The analysis of web-sites indicates that there is a great deal of information about immigrants on the Internet, and that most of it seems to be directed to service providers, policy makers, and researchers. There is relatively little discussion by or about immigrants, and beyond a few notable sites, there is almost no sign of mobilization. To the extent that the Internet is used to create new political spaces, it may not be spaces for deliberation and discussion. Rather, the political spaces seem to be informational spaces in which the politics are not easily or directly read.

A-Awda, The Palestine Right to return Coalition, is a broad-based, non-partisan, global, democratic association of grassroots activists and organizational representatives. Our objective is to educate the international community to fulfill its legal and moral obligations vis-à-vis the Palestinian people. Al-Awda develops, coordinates, supports and guides, as needed, global and local grassroots initiatives for action related to Palestinian rights. Al-Awda, http://www.al-awda.org as visited 11 July 2002.

“Why I won’t serve Sharon.”

“Maaad Abu-Ghazalah, Arab-American Candidate for US Congress, San Francisco.”

“A Statement on the ‘War on Terror’ from Prominent Americans.”

“What Bush Doesn’t Know about Palestine.”

“Memorial to 418 Palestinian Villages Which Were Destroyed.”

Headlines on Café Arabica, http://www.cafearabica.com as visited 11 July, 2002.

The Internet is widely heralded as opening spaces for a wide variety of politics and political voices. But as it is praised for its inclusiveness, it is also pilloried for enabling the fragmentation of political opinion without providing a forum in which common political ground can be identified or consensus achieved. In the former view, the Internet fosters greater inclusion in democratic debate and political community. In the latter view, it contributes to a weakening of the bonds that are necessary for a political community to reach consensus and to provide guidance for democratic governance.Consider the examples in the epigraph to the paper. Al-Awda is a political movement devoted to securing the right of return for Palestinian refugees and their families. It organizes marches and demonstrations in cities across the US and Western Europe. One reason for the apparent mismatch between the locations of the “problem” and of the “action” is that many – though by no means all – of the participants in the marches are immigrants from the Middle East or they are of Arab descent. While the organization is based in Massachusetts, most of the mobilization through it occurs on-line, and it is not clear that there is either a permanent staff or regular meetings, other than the marches. Café Arabica provides a venue for discussion of a wide range of topics related to Arab culture and politics. Much like the romanticized café society, discussion can be lively and seems to include a wide range of participants and viewpoints. Café Arabica includes an on-line discussion forum, again with many of the participants apparently either being from the Middle East or the descendants of immigrants from the region. It labels itself as an Arab-American on-line community.These two web-sites were not chosen at random. They both relate to immigrants – social groups that are often not able to participate in political discussion and debate in their host countries. As such, these sites exemplify both the possibilities and the limitations that commentators have identified when they discuss the Internet and its role in fostering political dialogue. Some people would see these sites as signs of a group that wants to use the political process in one country to influence events in another country. Some people will read these sites as a an indication that at least one immigrant group – if not all immigrants – refuse assimilation, which is the basis of incorporation into the American political community. Still others will view these sites as attempts to incorporate a set of political voices and agents into a more inclusive political community. This paper examines the use of the Internet in political debate and mobilization around immigrants in the United States. It considers the nature of political discussion on the Internet and the agents involved in it. The overarching concern is whether the Internet fosters a more inclusive political community or whether it leads to alternative political spaces that remain unincorporated with respect to the political community of the host society.The paper is organized in four sections. The first provides a background for the debates about immigrants, the Internet, and politics. The second section is an overview of the theoretical debates about the public sphere as a political space in which members of a polity can participate and the ways in which the Internet may transform that space. The third section highlights some of the key issues that condition migrants’ acceptance into a polity, focusing primarily on the United States. With these sections serving as background, the final section of the paper explores political discussion on the Internet by and about immigrants. This exploration is based first on a random sample of web-sites about immigration and second on a more targeted sample of sites aimed specifically at two immigrant groups. The goal in these examinations is to evaluate the extent to which the Internet can provide the basis of a political space in which issues related to the incorporation of immigrants can be debated or whether it is a space that fosters a more fractionalized politics unlikely to lead to greater political incorporation of immigrants.     

An angel’s power in a bishop’s body: the making of the cult of Aubert of Avranches at Mont-Saint-Michel

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Benedictine monks of Mont-Saint Michel promoted the cult of Aubert of Avranches, the abbey’s legendary co-founder, and used his newly rediscovered relics as a means of accessing the patronage and power of the elusive, incorporeal archangel Michael, the community’s other founder. Texts, images, the strategic placement of Aubert’s relics throughout the abbey church reinforced the association between these two saints, rendering Aubert more powerful and Michael more accessible. This local study of the interaction between these two cults at the abbey of Mont-Saint-Michel suggests that medieval monastic uses of relics were more creative and varied than is generally recognized and that relationships between saints within a single cultic environment could be extremely complex and unstable.     

Disability and the practice of public history: an introduction

Museums, exhibitions, and public history have long engaged with the subject matter of disability. Shared social conventions and exhibition traditions about people with disabilities--the common stereotypes of people as persevering heroes or objects of pity--have often led to skewed and inaccurate historical presentations. The medical model of disability, equally strong in framing disability, has also reduced the range of possibilities for including content for the public. More recently, greater understanding of diversity and of the importance of interpreting the history of all people has begun to push inclusion beyond simple issues into content.     

SEEING TREES: ENGENDERING ENVIRONMENTAL AND LAND USE PLANNING

Both scholars and practitioners of environmental and land use planning in Western contexts have been slow to consider the links between planning and gender as they apply to land use reallocations in regions located beyond the city. The purpose of this paper is to spark discussion and inform future research efforts about the gendered implications of land use change. Drawing on research from environmental planning, gender/development planning, and rural resource communities, a conceptualization of feminist environmentalism is developed to interpret how environmental and land use planning represents women's lives and gives meaning to women's perspectives on economic transition in rural resource communities in Canada. Two planning documents are analyzed. First, a regional land use plan and transition strategy proposed by the Commission on Resources and Environment (core) for Vancouver Island in 1994 is examined. It is revealed that this plan contained a narrow interpretation of social sustainability, which resulted in the omission and /or marginalization of important elements of women's lives. Second, a subsequent post-hoc assessment of the impact of the Vancouver Island plan was reviewed. This report gave voice to women's material realities; however, a nuanced interpretation of the variation in the experiences of women remained elusive. Drawing on insights from both theory and practice, challenges for future research are presented. Les universitaires et les praticiens de I'aménagement du territoire et de I'environnement en contextes occiden-taux ont résistéà prendre en considération les liens entre la planification du territoire et le genre sexuel tels qu'ils s'appliquent aux re-allocations de l'utilisation du territoire, particulièrement en régions contiguës aux villes. Le but de cet article et de susciter la discussion et d'informer sur la direction des recherches en considération des implications du genre sexuel et des femmes par rapport a l'utilisation du territoire. À partir de recherches et de la littérature en planification environnementale, en déve-loppement, en féminisme et en ressources des commu-nautés rurales, une conceptualisation de I'environ-nementalisme sensible au genre sexuel est élaborée pour interpréter premièrement, les représentations de la vie des femmes en aménagement du territoire et de I'environnement. Deuxièmement, cet article aborde le sens que cet environnementalisme féministe offre aux perspectives des femmes en lumière des transitions économi-ques des communautés rurales. Deux documents tirés de la littérature en aménagement sont analysés. Premièrement, nous analysons un plan d'aménagement et de stratégic de transition proposé par la Commission sur les Ressources et I'Environnement (core: Commission on Resources and Environment) pour I'l?le de Vancouver, publié en 1994. Une lecture de ce document révèle que l'interprétation limitée de la durabilité sociale a pour résultat l'omission où la marginalisation d'éléments im-portants de la vie des femmes. Deuxièmement, nous analysons un rapport d'impacts du plan pour I'l?le de Vancouver. II appert que malgré une sensibilité aux réaltiés matérielles de la vie des femmes, l'interprétation des variations des expériences des femmes reste difficile. À partir d'aperçus et d'élements théoriques et pratiques, I'article termine par une discussion des défis pour les recherches á venir.     

Perceptions of Discrimination

Despite legal efforts to eliminate employment discrimination, lawsuits and demonstrations suggest that many federal employees believe they are subject to discriminatory practices. This article analyzes responses to a governmentwide survey of federal employees in order to understand such perceptions more fully. Propositions examined, and at least partially supported, include that minority groups hold identifiable, but structurally different, belief systems with regard to discrimination, and that there are identifiable factors correlated with these perceptions.     

Concerns at Home,Concerns Abroad: Irish and English Political Ephemera in Southern Ontario

Four unusual artifacts reflecting an unambiguous connection with a particular politician or political movement have recently been recovered from archaeological sites in Southern Ontario. These items reflect socio-political issues from the homelands of immigrant families. Politically charged items carry meaning for the user and also serve to forge bonds and create divisions within the community. Recently discovered artifacts relating to the Irish Repeal movement and the British Great Reform Act of 1832 provide examples.     

Being seen in your pyjamas: the relationship between fashion,class, gender and space

Over the last decade class has re-emerged as a significant concept within British sociology, with prominent academics calling for a more Bourdieuian approach which focuses on class distinctions in cultural practices and tastes. Within this discussion, several note the important role fashion plays as a means of class distinction, though few have fully explored just how the fashion–class relationship operates. Based on empirical research, carried out as part of qualitative study into fashion practices and fashion discourse, this article examines the fashion–class relationship, by considering its links to both gender and space. It argues that the way in which women judge visibility and public space differs with class status and that this, in turn, has significant implications for women's fashion choices, and more specifically, dressing up. Indeed, whilst middle-class participants tend to view almost any space as public and one in which they are visible, for working-class participants neighbourhood and local spaces are seen to constitute semi-private spaces, whose audiences' opinions and judgements do not matter. As a result, being dressed in your pyjamas is not deeply problematic for these working-class women in the context of their everyday lives, whilst for their middle-class counterparts being seen in your pyjamas is something which should be avoided, at all cost. Moreover, as the article demonstrates, the wearing of pyjamas is often considered by middle-class respondents as indicative of working classness. And thus, being seen in your pyjamas is undesirable on two counts.