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61.
从中美关系解冻系列谈判看周恩来谈判艺术 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
新中国成立后,周恩来长期主持外交工作,是新中国外交事业的开拓者和奠基者。在1969~1972年中美关系解冻的系列谈判中,周恩来作为中方的主要谈判者,在谈判中发挥了极其重要的作用。他及时向毛泽东汇报谈判的进展情况,并根据毛泽东的指示部署谈判的策略和内容;他以于细微处见周到的工作态度为中美谈判营造了自然、友好的外部氛围;他卓越的专业谈判素质、良好的道德修养和独特的人格魅力,不但使谈判得以顺利进行,而且给基辛格和尼克松留下了深刻的印象,得到他们的高度评价。 相似文献
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中国省级区域餐饮业竞争力的结构方程模型 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
提升餐饮业竞争力日渐引起政府重视,但学界对餐饮业竞争力的理论研究仍有待深入。本文采用结构方程模型方法,对中国省级区域餐饮业竞争力进行了理论和实证研究,验证了生产要素、关联产业、需求条件和企业结构对餐饮业竞争力具有直接的、正向的、依次减弱的影响,并由此构建了中国省级区域餐饮业竞争力的结构方程模型和评价方法。 相似文献
63.
传统书画作品中存在有大量模糊不清的印章,对此类印章尚没有很好的手段进行提取和鉴别。为解决这一问题,本工作采用一种用高光谱图像系统采集书画中模糊印章的光谱-图像信息,采用最小噪声分离变换(MNF)处理光谱图像数据,提升了模糊印章的可辨识度。结果表明,采用该方法能够有效的将模糊印章的信息提取出来,有利于印章的鉴别和研究,为书画的文物价值和真伪鉴别的研究提供了科学有效的手段。 相似文献
64.
Simon Young 《Folklore》2018,129(2):181-191
This note is written in support of John Widdowson’s recent reflections on the direction of folklore studies in Britain. A general discussion is in everyone’s interest and with his words Widdowson has given a gentle whack to the beehive. This article offers more of the same, although from the perspective of historical folklore. 相似文献
65.
James E. Young 《History and theory》1997,36(4):21-43
In this article, I examine both the problem of so-called postmodern history as it relates to the Holocaust and suggest the ways that Saul Friedlander's recent work successfully mediates between the somewhat overly polemicized positions of “relativist” and “positivist” history. In this context, I find that in his search for an adequately self-reflexive historical narrative for the Holocaust, Hayden White's proposed notion of “middle-voicedness” may recommend itself more as a process for eyewitness writers than as a style for historians after the fact. From here, I look at the ways Saul Friedlander's reflections on the historian's voice not only mediate between White's notions of the ironic mode and middle-voicedness, but also suggest the basis for an uncanny history in its own right: an anti-redemptory narrative that works through, yet never actually bridges, the gap between a survivor's “deep memory” and historical narrative. For finally, it may be the very idea of “deep memory” and its incompatibility to narrative that constitutes one of the central challenges to Holocaust historiography. What can be done with what Friedlander has termed “deep memory” of the survivor, that which remains essentially unrepresentable? Is it possible to write a history that includes some oblique reference to such deep memory, but which leaves it essentially intact, untouched and thereby deep? In this section, I suggest, after Patrick Hutton, that “What is at issue here is not how history can recover memory, but, rather, what memory will bequeath to history.” That is, what shall we do with the living memory of survivors? How will it enter (or not enter) the historical record? Or to paraphrase Hutton again, “How will the past be remembered as it passes from living memory to history?” Will it always be regarded as so overly laden with pathos as to make it unreliable as documentary evidence? Or is there a place for the understanding of the witness, as subjective and skewed as it may be, for our larger historical understanding of events? In partial answer to these questions, I attempt to extend Friedlander's insights toward a narrow kind of history-telling I call “received history”—a double-stranded narrative that tells a survivor-historian's story and my own relationship to it. Such a narrative would chart not just the life of the survivor-historian itself but also the measurable effect of the tellings—both his telling and mine—on my own life's story. Together, they would compose a received history of the Holocaust and its afterlife in the author's mind—my “vicarious past.” 相似文献
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