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The increasing availability of telemetry data with high spatial and temporal resolution promises to greatly advance scientific understandings of the movement patterns of individual organisms across space and time. The amount of data provided by such methods, however, can be challenging to analyze and interpret. In this study, we present a new approach for analyzing animal movements that aggregates telemetry locations into spatial clusters and extracts the information from sequences formed by individuals passing through these spatial clusters. We applied this integrated approach of spatial aggregation and sequence analysis to quantify and compare trajectories of cattle (Bos taurus), mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus), and elk (Cervus elaphus) tracked by automated telemetry at the Starkey Experimental Forest and Range in northeastern Oregon, USA. Our approach effectively differentiated movement patterns of the three species. It provides a useful mean of quantifying movement patterns of species in a landscape.  相似文献   
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While commentators have noted that the revival of pragmatism in recent decades can be understood in the context of a larger turn towards anti-foundational thought, they have largely ignored the important and complicated role that Ludwig Wittgenstein's ideas about foundationalism played in that revival. By tracing Wittgenstein's influence on the philosophers Stanley Cavell and Thomas Kuhn, the author first suggests that the revival of neo-pragmatism is better understood in the context of mid-century analytic philosophy they inherited, as well as Wittgenstein's unique contribution and challenge to that tradition. Next, by showing how the Wittgensteinian ideas of Cavell and Kuhn played an important role in the decades-long debate between Richard Rorty and Hilary Putnam, arguably the most important catalyst of neo-pragmatist thought, the author shows that Wittgenstein's reframing of Kantian epistemology places the emergence of neo-pragmatism in a larger context of Enlightenment thought in the United States, rather than making it an easy ally of anti-foundational post-structuralism.  相似文献   
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When black Americans and white Americans want the president to do different things, who wins? When low-income earners prefer different government action than do middle and high-income earners, whose preferences are reflected in presidential behavior? Recent studies show that congressional behavior often most closely follows the preferences of the white and the wealthy, but we know relatively little about presidential behavior. Since the president and Congress make policy together, it is important to understand the extent of political equality in presidential behavior. We examine the degree to which presidents have provided equal representation to these groups over the past four decades. We compare the preferences of these groups for federal spending in various budget domains to presidents’ subsequent budget proposals in those domains from 1974 to 2010. Over this period, presidents’ proposals aligned more with the preferences of whites and high-income earners. However, Republican presidents are driving this overall pattern. Democratic presidents represent racial and income groups equally, but Republicans’ proposals are much more consistent with the spending preferences of whites and high-income earners. This pattern of representation reflects the composition of the president's party coalition and the spending preferences of groups within the party coalition.  相似文献   
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