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John S. Ambler 《政策研究杂志》1981,10(1):136-149
The more highly politicized nature of French, as compared to British universities can be explained only partially in terms of such cultural and Political differences as the greater strength of the revolutionary tradition in France and the more conservative tenor of French governments in the l960's and 1970's. Political tensions in French higher education are also in Dart the result of policy choices, notably the greater speed of expansion of enrollments in France as compared to Britain and the form of French university elections, which strengthened politicized unions. 相似文献
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The ideal of a comprehensive higher education planning agency was only partially fulfilled in the 1970's. It was especially limited in its ability to bring independent colleges and universities into statewide planning. The unfulfilled comprehensive statewide planning model makes an attractive case for decentralised decision–making. State planning, usually characterized by the so–called “bureaucratic model,” might be balanced by increased use of an “incentive model.” The work of the state agency would be to encourage and reward fair market competition among the institutions and segments of higher education. Such an approach is based on the conviction that “…intelligent planning can diminish the role of government in the academic and administrative affairs of all sectors, while improving accountability to the public and to the diverse constituencies our institutions serve.” 相似文献
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This paper reports and analyses survey data on the opinions of 353 top position‐holders in business, trade unions, federal and state politics, the Commonwealth Public Service, mass media, national voluntary associations, and major universities and research institutes during the latter half of 1975. Patterns of elite responses to 15 issue sets aggregating 46 separate opinion items are examined. The main focus is on the extent and configuration of elite conflict and consensus over economic policy, foreign and defence policy, industrial relations, social issues, and institutional structure. In general, substantial conflict between left‐of‐centre and right‐of‐centre elites in all major issue areas, save possibly that of social issues, is found. However, the extent of this conflict varies as between specific policies, over which it is relatively small, and the legitimacy or desirability of various group actions and major policy innovations, over which it is quite large. Whether conflict during 1975 was sufficiently great to threaten the fundamental unity of Australian elites is discussed. 相似文献
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It is shown that audience members actively select amongst available programmes on television. This selection is based upon the social role and situational characteristics of the viewer and it is also directly related to the reasons given by viewers for watching television.
Patterns of programme selection are related to three clusters of needs and reasons. The two most important of these are composed of needs relating to information and diversion. The least important cluster is concerned with the self and social contact.
Escape and diversion needs are satisfied by almost any programme; selection is minimal by those viewers expressing these needs. Information needs are best satisfied by news and other informational programmes, while social and self needs are best satisfied by quiz and variety programmes, popular drama and movies. 相似文献
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