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51.
52.
Johannes Bronkhorst R. K. Barz Dieter B. Kapp Rahul Peter Das 《Indo-Iranian Journal》1984,27(4):309-341
53.
Johannes Lang 《History and theory》2018,57(1):104-120
At the beginning of the twenty‐first century, there was a growing sense that historians had neglected the emotions and failed to think seriously about them. Since then, there has been explosive interest in the history of emotions. What precipitated this development? What has this focus on emotion added to our historical understanding, and what does a historical perspective contribute to research on emotion? Two recent books help us think about these questions. In The History of Emotions, Jan Plamper offers the first book‐length introduction to this field available in English; in Emotional Lexicons, Ute Frevert and a group of fellow historians trace continuities and change in the vocabulary of feeling from the beginning of the eighteenth century to the end of the millennium. At stake, in both books, is the idea that emotions are historically contingent—that history has the ability to shape and transform even the most basic features of human experience. This review essay engages with the central arguments of these books, and offers a somewhat different interpretation of the history of emotions. What is called for, the essay suggests, is not first and foremost a separate history of emotions nor the adding of emotion to existing histories, but new histories that systematically incorporate emotions into their analyses. Historians should seek to demonstrate how emotions are an integral part of history and historiography in a more general sense. Systematic attention to emotions not only adds nuance to a historical narrative, the essay concludes, but also fundamentally affects our ideas about how history actually happens. 相似文献
54.
This essay explores the origins and the development of a communicationsrevolution, which would give rise to a new concept withinhistoriography. It proposes that the Communications Revolutioncan be explained as a macrohistorical process, comparable tothe Scientific Revolution and the Industrial Revolution, whichhave both had permanent and irreversible consequences in themodern era. The communications revolution, like the other two,began in the early modern era, and is still ongoing. The conceptof a Communications Revolution encompasses smaller mediarevolutions, more easily ascribed to a specific historicalperiod, and to a large extent mutually interrelated and dependent.The development of postal services gave rise to a new understandingof space and time, and it is this development that the essayidentifies as the mainspring of change in the communicationsrevolution. Postal services enabled faster movements of people,goods, and information. The new medium of the printed book,newspaper or sheet magnified the effects of this faster disseminationof information and news. So the Communications Revolution canbe argued to have been the motor that enabled the constructionof the infrastructure of the modern world, newspapers, cartography,and the public sphere of politics, of warfareand diplomacy. Indeed, there is scope for discussion as to whetherit was in fact the Communications Revolution which may haveopened the way for both the Scientific Revolution and the IndustrialRevolution. 相似文献
55.
Johannes Bulhof 《History and theory》1999,38(2):145-168
Philosophers and historians have long been suspicious of modal and counterfactual claims. I argue, however, that historians often legitimately use modal and counterfactual claims for a variety of purposes. They help identify causes, and hence help explain events in history. They are used to defend judgments about people, and to highlight the importance of particular events. I defend these uses of modal claims against two arguments often used to criticize modal reasoning, using the philosophy of science to ground the truth of modal claims. This analysis puts several important points into perspective, including how certain we can be about our claims about what might have been, and the role that determinism plays in those claims. The proper analysis of modality shows, I argue, that counterfactual claims are legitimate and important, if often uncertain, and that issues of determinism are irrelevant to the modal claims used in historical analysis. 相似文献
56.
57.
V. P. J. Arponen Johannes Müller Robert Hofmann Martin Furholt Artur Ribeiro Christian Horn Martin Hinz 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》2016,23(2):541-560
The past few decades have witnessed a growing realisation that market-based measures of human well-being—measures that centre on income and consumption distributions—miss some other perhaps even more essential elements of human well-being. This insight has found a prominent expression in the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen’s so-called capability approach. At the same time, the market-based measure of inequality as a function of the distribution of material remains in graves and other locations remain dominant in archaeology. In this paper, we explore the significance of the capability approach, and the associated concept of human well-being based on the idea of capabilities, to the archaeology of social inequality and social malintegration. We discuss these notions using the case study of the Late Neolithic Bosnian tell site Okoli?te and argue that there, in c. 5200–4600 bce, the monopolisation of certain critical goods led to a critical capability inequality, malintegration and to a prolonged period of social unrest and decline. 相似文献
58.
Johannes P W F Lakke 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(2):101-107
Illustrations, previous to the 19th century, provide evidence that brain dissections were executed on an isolated head, contrary to Rembrandt's anatomy lesson of Dr. Deyman. This paradox seems to be explained by clever biased composition. 相似文献
59.
60.
Serena Panighello Emilio F. Orsega Johannes T. van Elteren Vid S. Šelih 《Journal of archaeological science》2012
In this work the analytical results obtained by ICP-MS with laser ablation solid sampling and SEM-EDS for some polychrome glass vessels from the Iron Age are presented and discussed. The samples, coming from Etruscan sites near Adria (Northern Italy), belong to the so-called Mediterranean Groups I, II and III and are dated from the 5th, 3rd and 2nd century B.C., respectively. To date, analytical data for only two sets of vessels of the Iron Age have been discussed in the literature. In spite of the low number of available samples, this is the first time that vessels of all three periods are analytically compared. Elemental concentration data show that the samples can be classified as low-magnesia-low potash (LMLK) soda-lime-silica glasses, with low phosphorus and titanium contents, in agreement with data for similar samples of the same age. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of the contents of many elements characterizing the siliceous sands showed three distinct sets corresponding to the three periods. Since the sets indicate different provenances of the sands it seems rational to assume that different glassmaking locations were involved. Chromophores and opacifiers of the blue bodies and the yellow, white and turquoise decorations of the vessels were analytically identified, while the nature of the corresponding ores was hypothesized. 相似文献