Review Articles

The United States Foreign Service. MARTIN WEIL. A Pretty Good Club: The Founding Fathers of the U.S. Foreign Service. New York: W.W. Norton & Company 1978. Pp. 313; RICHARD HUME WERKING. The Master Architects: Building the United States Foreign Service, 1890–1913. Lexington: The United Press of Kentucky 1977. Pp. xvi, 330; RACHEL WEST. The Department of State on the Eve of the First World War. Athens: The University of Georgia Press 1978. Pp. viii, 183. Reviewed by F.M. Carroll

Friends in Need, Allies in Competition. PETER LOWE. Great Britain and the Origins of the Pacific War: a Study of British Policy in East Asia, 1937–1941. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1977. Pp. 318; JAMES R. LEUTZE. Bargaining for Supremacy: Anglo-American Naval Collaboration, 1937–1941. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1977. Pp. 328; WILLIAM ROGER LOUIS. Imperialism at Bay 1941–1945: The United States and the Decolonisation of the British Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1977. Pp. 595; CHRISTOPHER THORNE. Allies of a Kind: The United States, Britain, and the War against Japan, 1941–1945. London: Hamish Hamilton 1978. Pp. xxii, 772. Reviewed by T.B. Millar     

Holocaust Narratives: Second-Generation “Perpetrators” and the Problem of Liminality

Taking “second-generation perpetrators” to refer to the tension between the guilt of the parents who were actively involved in carrying out Nazi atrocities, and the innocence of their offspring, I posit the oscillation between these positions as a form of liminality. Underpinned by the work of Jacques Derrida and Marianne Hirsch, I discuss this form of liminality in relation to concepts of the ghostly, examining the ways in which Holocaust narratives, literary and cinematic, are haunted by the past. I argue that the family conflicts such second-generation narratives present run the risk of displacing the real victims of the Holocaust.     

Reviews

DEFEATING COMMUNIST INSURGENCY: EXPERIENCES FROM MALAYA AND VIETNAM. Sir Robert Thompson. Chatto & Windus, 1966. Pp. 171. $3.60.

THE REVOLUTION IN EGYPT'S ECONOMIC SYSTEM. FROM PRIVATE ENTERPRISE TO SOCIALISM 1952–1965. P. O'Brien. Oxford University Press for R.I.I.A., 1936. Pp xviii + 354. $8.55.

SOUTH ASIAN POLITICS AND RELIGION. Donald E. Smith (editor). Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1966. Pp. 563. $15.00 (U.S.).

THE POLITICS OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION IN ASIA. A STUDY OF ASIAN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. Lalita Prasad Singh. Columbia, University of Missouri Press, 1966. Pp. xiii + 271. $7.00 (U.S.).

THE ORIGINS OF MALAY NATIONALISM. W. R. Roff. Yale Southeast Asia Studies, 2. Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, University of Malaya Press; New Haven and London, Yale University Press. 1967. Pp. 297. $10 (Malaysian).

UNITED NATIONS PEACE‐KEEPING OPERATIONS — HIGHER CONDUCT. Major General J. J. Rikye. Paris, International Information Centre on Peace‐Keeping Operations, 1967. Pp. 17. $U.S. 1.00.

SOME PRINCIPLES FOR PEACE‐KEEPING OPERATIONS — A GUIDE FOR SENIOR OFFICERS. Brigadier A. J. Wilson. International Information Centre on Peace‐Keeping Operations, 1967. Pp. 12. $U.S. 1.00.

MILITARY STAFFING AT U.N. HEADQUARTERS FOR PEACE‐KEEPING OPERATIONS — A PROPOSAL. Lt. Col. L. M. K. Stern. International Information Centre on Peace‐Keeping Operations, 1967. Pp. 14. ?U.S. 1.00.

THE SWEDISH U.N. STAND‐BY FORCE AND EXPERIENCE. Colonel Nils Stenqvist. International Information Centre on Peace‐Keeping Operations, 1967. Pp. 18. ?U.S. 1.00.

RESEARCH ON PEACE‐KEEPING OPERATIONS — CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE NEEDS. Albert Legaiult. International Information Centre on Peace‐Keeping Operations, 1967. Pp. 57. $U.S. 1.00.

PEACE‐KEEPING OPERATIONS. BIBLIOGRAPHY. Prepared by Albert Legault. International Information Centre on Peace‐Keeping Operations, 1967. Pp. 203. $U.S. 5.00.

KEEPING THE PEACE. Lt. Col. R. B. Tackaberry. Toronto, Canadian Institute of International Affairs, September 1966. Pp. 26. 35c.

BRITAIN'S WITHDRAWAL FROM ASIA. ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIA. T. B. Millar (ed.). ANU, 1967. Pp. 114. $2.10. . THE CONCEPT OF A PACIFIC COMMUNITY. National Catholic Rural Movement, 1967. Pp. 79. $0.50.

CHANGING AUSTRALIA'S ROLE IN ASIA. J. F. Cairns. Melbourne University. Democratic Socialist Club, 1967. Pp. 8. $0.15.

AUSTRALIA FACES SOUTHEAST ASIA. THE EMERGENCE OF A FOREIGN POLICY. Awry and Mary Belle Vandenbosch. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1967. Pp. vi + 175. $5.75 (U.S.).

WHY VIETNAM? Frank N. Trager. Pall Mall Press, 1966. Pp. 238. $5.85.     

Book reviews

M. P. Skirdo: The People, The Army, The Commander: A Soviet View. United States Air Force, Washington, 1978, pp.166. No price given.

Harold Crouch, The Army and Politics in Indonesia. Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 1978.

Brian May, The Indonesian Tragedy. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, Henley and Boston, 1975.

Helge Hveem, The Political Economy of Third World Producer Associations. Monographs from the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo, 1977.

E. L. Wheelwright and Ken Buckley, eds., Essays in the Political Economy of Australian Capitalism. Sydney: Australia and New Zealand Book Company Pty Ltd, 1978. Volume 2: pp.206. Volume 3: pp.210. $6.95 each.

Jim Hyde, Australia: The Asia Connection. Kibble Books, Melbourne, 1978, pp.140. $4.50.

David Pettit and Anne Hall, eds., Selected Readings in Australian Foreign Policy. Third edition. Sorrett, Melbourne, 1978.

B. Chakravorty, Australia's Military Alliances. Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1977, pp.292.

Malcolm Booker, Last Quarter: The Next Twenty‐five Years in Asia and the Pacific. Melbourne University Press, 1978, pp.228. $14.80.

Martin Wight, Power Politics. Ed. Hedley Bull and Carsten Holbraad. Leicester University Press for Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1978.     

Dative for Accusative Case Interchange in Epistolary Formulas in Greek Papyrus Letters

Greek papyrus letters preserve not only instances of the replacement of the dative case; they also show the use of the dative instead of the accusative case as direct object and disjoint infinitival subject. This interchange is mostly found in epistolary phrases, namely the salutation formula (?σπ?ζομα? σε) and the initial (ε?χομα? σε ?για?νειν) and final (?ρρ?σθα? σε ε?χομαι) health wishes. The phonetic similarity of the pronouns might have created the circumstances for case confusion. Contamination of the constructions reflects the difficulties of the scribes to construct conservative epistolary phrases and, thereby, diachronic phraseological variation might reflect language change. In salutation formulas, the use of a dative Addressee could be explained by analogical overextension from the category of communication verbs taking a dative complement. The decline of the accusative and infinitive construction might be one of the reasons why the accusative disjoint infinitival subject is replaced by the dative case in health wishes.     

Political reconciliation in Timor Leste,Solomon Islands and Bougainville: the dark side of hybridity

In recent years, the study and practice of political reconciliation has experienced a turn to hybridity. This turn has been defined by the increased rate at which liberal international and local peacebuilding practices, and their underlying ideas, have become merged, integrated or co-located in time and space. While hybrid approaches to reconciliation have been praised as an effective means of engaging local populations in peacebuilding operations, little attention has been paid to examining whether or not they also bring unintended negative consequences. Drawing on the cases of Timor Leste, Solomon Islands and Bougainville, this article examines the potentially dark side of hybridity. It demonstrates that, in each of these cases, hybrid approaches to political reconciliation have brought both positive and negative consequences. On the positive side of the equation, hybridity has seen imported international approaches to reconciliation adapted to meet local demands and ensure resonance with local populations. On the negative side, however, the misappropriation and instrumentalisation of local practices within hybrid approaches has served to damage their legitimacy and to jeopardise their contributions to reconciliation. The article thus concludes that the existence and extent of this dark side necessitates a re-evaluation of how hybrid approaches to political reconciliation are planned and implemented.