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Jessica Davidson 《Gender & history》2011,23(2):401-414
The Sección Femenina (or SF, 1934–77), the female branch of the Spanish fascistic party, the Falange, created and successfully lobbied for the Law for Political, Professional and Labour Rights for Women (Ley de Derechos Políticos, Profesionales, y de Trabajo de la Mujer) in 1961. The law responded to and recognised the shifting world of women's work during the final years of the Franco regime (1939–75) and established the SF as an advocate for their labour rights. The new legislation simultaneously promoted employment opportunities for Spanish women and reinforced their traditional restrictions. This article explores this significant legal achievement for women's rights during the 1960s, discussing its meaning for the Franco dictatorship and for the female organisation that ushered in the new legislation. Ultimately, I argue that the law was a significant step for the advancement of women's rights and continued the piecemeal process of reform led by the SF. But it reinforced the group's paradoxical image as an organisation with fascist roots pushing (albeit in the workplace only) for reform. 相似文献
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Most narrators of the Dakota Memories Oral History Project (DMOHP), the children and grandchildren of ethnic German immigrants from Russia, reminisce a great deal about their family relationships -- grandparent-grandchild relationships, parent-child relationships, and sibling-sibling relationships. They share memories of their grandmothers baking them delicious dough dishes, of their fathers making them labor endlessly in the fields, and of their siblings coaxing them into mischief. Through these relationships, Germans from Russia not only learned about their ethnic group's identity, but they also reshaped it into a new identity, blending their past with their present. Within the context of family relationships, these German Russian descendants forged a new identity rooted in their ethnic heritage and history, but serviceable to new, American-born generations. 相似文献
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Sessions papers from early modern Portsmouth survive from 1653 on and are nearly continuous for eighty-five years, that is, from 1696 to 1781. They include 356 cases of wife beating in addition to 7,658 other assaults; as such, the town's records allow for a comparison of the violent behavior of individual wife beaters both inside and outside of their marriages. These comparisons suggest that assaults on wives were more severe than assaults on strangers and acquaintances: not only were many wives assaulted on several occasions before lodging a complaint, the attacks themselves often resulted in greater injury, reflecting (1) a greater tendency to use potentially lethal weapons and (2) a differential in strength between most husbands and wives. The motives of individual wife beaters are less clear; what can be said with certainty is that wife beatings, like assaults in general, tended to rise whenever soldiers were demobilized and men were either unemployed or underemployed. 相似文献
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Rawson Jessica Huan Limin Taylor William Timothy Treal 《Journal of World Prehistory》2021,34(4):489-530
Journal of World Prehistory - Horses and chariots—and the associated technology and expertise—derived from the steppe contributed to the success of the Zhou conquest of the Shang in c.... 相似文献
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Jessica Blythe Jennifer Silver Louisa Evans Derek Armitage Nathan J. Bennett Michele‐Lee Moore Tiffany H. Morrison Katrina Brown 《对极》2018,50(5):1206-1223
The notion of transformation is gaining traction in contemporary sustainability debates. New ways of theorising and supporting transformations are emerging and, so the argument goes, opening exciting spaces to (re)imagine and (re)structure radically different futures. Yet, questions remain about how the term is being translated from an academic concept into an assemblage of normative policies and practices, and how this process might shape social, political, and environmental change. Motivated by these questions, we identify five latent risks associated with discourse that frames transformation as apolitical and/or inevitable. We refer to these risks as the dark side of transformation. While we cannot predict the future of radical transformations towards sustainability, we suggest that scientists, policymakers, and practitioners need to consider such change in more inherently plural and political ways. 相似文献
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