National Minority Rights vs. State Sovereignty in Europe: Changing Norms in International Relations?

Abstract. The 1990s debate on minority rights clearly indicates that minority issues are among the most controversial subjects of international relations. Questions concerning national minorities gained new prominence in international relations, especially in East Central Europe, following the end of the Cold War. Between 1990 and 1995 the formulation of international standards regulating state conduct towards national minorities was a priority for European organisations. This standard setting episode raises several important questions. Why did national minorities reappear on the international agenda after 1989? How were they responded to? Why did state sovereignty continue to take precedence over minority rights?     

Celebrating British multiculturalism,lamenting England/Britain's past

Drawing upon Littler and Naidoo's ‘white past, multicultural present’ alignment, this article examines English newspaper coverage of two ‘British’ events held in 2012 (the Diamond Jubilee and the London Olympic Games). In light of recent work on English nationalism, national identity and multiculturalism, this article argues that representations of Britain oscillated between lamentations for an English/British past – marred by decline – and a present that, while being portrayed as both confident and progressive, was beset by latent anxieties. In doing so, ‘past’ reflections of England/Britain were presented as a ‘safe’ and legitimate source of belonging that had subsequently been lost and undermined amidst the diversity of the ‘present’. As a result, feelings of discontent, anxiety and nostalgia were dialectically constructed alongside ‘traditional’ understandings of England/Britain. Indeed, this draws attention to the ways in which particular ‘versions’ of the past are engaged with and the impact that this can have on discussions related to multiculturalism and the multiethnic history of England/Britain.     

Digital not diversity? Changing Aboriginal media policy at the National Film Board of Canada

Using Canada’s National Film Board (NFB) as a case study, this paper highlights a paradigm shift in media policy away from supporting diverse content in favor of new digital formats. Historically the NFB has supported Aboriginal media production as a hallmark of the institution’s founding commitment to representing Canada’s people and culture. However, in recent years the institution has shifted its focus to digital technologies and interactive productions. This research is rooted in both a quantitative and qualitative examination of NFB official reports and related press coverage. The examination demonstrates a decrease in emphasis on Aboriginal production and an increase in attention to new technologies.     

Incisor labial surface wear striations in modern humans and their implications for handedness in Middle and Late Pleistocene hominids

Over the past four decades several workers have argued that the orientations of striations on the labial surfaces of the front teeth of Middle and Late Pleistocene fossils attributed to Neanderthals and antecedent archaic hominids can tell us something about handedness. These researchers have suggested that such scratches result from stone tools scraping across the incisors during ‘stuff‐and‐cut’ behaviours, and that they reflect directions of hand movements and handedness. In this study, we examine comparable wear features on the incisors of anatomically modern humans to determine whether striation angle may reflect handedness. The teeth from 66 individuals representing four groups with known differences in subsistence practices (Aleut, Arikara, Illinois Bluff, and Puye) were examined. Photomicrographs were made of the maxillary central incisor labial surfaces of all individuals at 56× magnification. These photomicrographs were scanned to image files, and orientations of all visible wear striations were measured using a semi‐automated image analysis procedure. Approximately three‐quarters of all labial surfaces showed a preferred striation orientation. Of those, most had preferred apico‐cervical or vertical striation orientations, independent of cultural affiliation. Few showed the tendency toward diagonally‐oriented scratches expected if handedness is related to scratch orientation. We found no evidence for ‘stuff‐and‐cut’ striations, despite the fact that at least one of the groups studied—the Aleut—are documented to have used this behaviour. In sum, there is evidently no relationship between striation orientation and handedness in the groups studied. It is, therefore, unlikely that labial scratch orientation in Middle and Late Pleistocene hominids reflects handedness if they used their front teeth in a manner comparable to that of any of the anatomically modern groups considered here. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Feminist Mediations of the Exotic: French Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, 1921–39

This article considers why and how locality influenced feminists' perceptions of colonised women. It does so through an analysis of how militants and novelists linked with the Union Française pour le Suffrage des Femmes (French Union for Women's Suffrage, UFSF) perceived the Arab and Berber women of colonial North Africa. The organisation had branches in North Africa, and thus feminists in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia are compared to those in France. Where these women lived shaped their understanding of French women's roles in the colonies, along with their opinions regarding the rights to which colonised women could lay claim. Tensions among UFSF members are traced here through the literary figure Elissa Rhaïs, articles in the feminist newspaper  La Française  and correspondence among UFSF members. These sources indicate that while all these French women positioned themselves as mediators of colonialism and women's rights, their precise interpretations of that mediation were consistently influenced by local concerns.     

Introduction: the feminist politics of refugee migration

The interdisciplinary field of refugee studies includes gender analyses, but feminism is not its forte. Scholarship in the field has neglected the development of feminist frameworks to trace the power relations that shape the gender and other politics of forced migration. Specifically, the underplayed concept of ‘refugee transnationalism’ is elaborated as a form of globalization where the social and political intersect in particular ways.