全文获取类型
收费全文 | 138篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 45篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有143条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
102.
James A. Baldwin 《Journal of Cultural Geography》2013,30(2):117-118
Yi-Fu Tuan. Dominance & Affection: The Making of Pets. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984, x and 193 pp. $19.95. 相似文献
103.
Andrew Baldwin 《对极》2009,41(2):231-255
Abstract: Critical geographers have paid remarkably scant attention to issues of climate change, even less so to forest carbon management policy. Building on geographic debate concerning the ontological production of nature and race, this paper argues that at stake in the climate change debate are not simply questions of energy geopolitics or green production. Also at issue in the climate debate are powerful questions of identity, the national form and race. This paper considers how a particular slice of the climate debate – forest carbon management discourse pertaining to Canada's boreal forest – enacts a political geography of racial difference, one that seeks to accommodate an imagined mode of traditional aboriginal life to the exigencies of global climate change mitigation and, importantly, to a logic of global capital now well into its ecological phase. 相似文献
104.
105.
ABSTRACT This paper identifies the main sources of urban increasing returns, after Marshall. The geographical distance across which externalities flow is also examined. We bring to bear on these questions plant‐level data organized in the form of a panel across the years 1989 and 1999. Plant‐level production functions are estimated across the Canadian manufacturing sector as a whole and for five broad industry groups, each characterized by the nature of its output. The panel data overcome selection bias resulting from unobserved plant‐level heterogeneity that is constant over time. A related set of estimates using instrumental variables allay persistent concerns with endogeneity. Results provide strong support for Marshall's claims about the importance of buyer‐supplier networks, labor market matching and spillovers. We show that spillovers enhance plant productivity within industries rather than between them and that these spillovers are highly localized. 相似文献
106.
107.
108.
109.
Jeff Hughes 《History & Technology》2013,29(3):257-275
Late in 1954, the British government convened a secret committee of civil servants to explore the implications of the hydrogen bomb for Britain in a nuclear war. Headed by William Strath, this small and secret cadre of experts thought through the destruction that would follow a thermonuclear attack on the UK. This paper examines the recently declassified “Strath Report” and its ramifications. Drawing on intelligence assessments, technical analysis and economic predictions, its conclusions were profoundly pessimistic. Its portrayal of widespread devastation and the likely collapse of civil society shocked politicians and government officials, and led not only to massive revisions in the UK's plans for war but to official attempts to suppress public discussion of thermonuclear weapons and civil defence. 相似文献
110.
Previous scholarly research has relied upon participant observation and indirect measures such as southern Democrats in positions of power to determine the presence and success of the Conservative Coalition in congressional committees. These measures are used in turn to ascertain the relationship between Conservative Coalition committee success and subsequent Conservative Coalition floor success. A more realistic measure of CC committee success, constructed from previously unavailable committee roll call votes, reveals the Conservative Coalition appears at approximately the same rate as it does on the floor and is slightly more successful in committee. A portion of the variation in the Conservative Coalition committee success rate is explained by a regression model utilizing a measure of CC committee strength and two measures of committee chair influence as independent variables. The analysis reveals the strongest predictor of CC committee success is the willingness of the chair to join the CC followed by the size of the coalition. 相似文献