Zur Deisidämonie

Petitmengin has recently proposed two new passages for addition to the growing dossier of Jeromes borrowings from Tertullian. Investigation of a hitherto undocumented sense of ruere would seem to show that in the first case Petitmengin is mistaken to posit Tertullianic influence, while in the second Jeromes debt turns out to be rather more substantial than Petitmengin supposed; the same Tertullianic text can also be shown to have inspired two later passages of Jerome.     

Les inscriptions des casques de Negau,Styrie

This article is chiefly a sceptical critique of two recent interpretations of the Epicurean doctrine on the relevance of the atomic swerve to free will, by D. N. Sedley and T. J. Saunders. Against the latter, it argues that the role of the swerve is to be found not in the execution of the will but in its formation; against the former, that to ascribe to Epicurus an explanation of free will in terms of ‘emergence’ theory renders the swerve redundant as an condition of the will's freedom. A concluding analysis of the Epicurean theory suggests that it is seriously flawed by internal inconsistencies of principle.     

“Participation”, White Privilege and Environmental Justice: Understanding Environmentalism Among Hispanics in Toronto

Abstract: The environmental justice movement has highlighted not only the unequal distribution of environmental hazards across lines of race and class, but also the white, middle‐class nature of some environmentalisms, and broader patterns of marginalization underlying people's opportunities to participate or not. There is a significant body of work discussing Hispanic environmental justice activism in the US, but not in Canada. This paper draws on interviews with representatives of organizations working on environmental initiatives within the Hispanic population of Toronto, Canada to explore definitions of and approaches to environmentalism(s) and community engagement. Four interrelated “mechanisms of exclusion” are identified in this case study—economic marginalization; (in)accessibility of typical avenues of participation; narrow definitions of “environmentalism” among environmental organizations; and the perceived whiteness of the environmental movement. Taken together, these mechanisms were perceived as limiting factors to environmental activism in Toronto's Hispanic population. We conclude that the unique context of Toronto's Hispanic community, including contested definitions of “community” itself, presents both challenges and opportunities for a more inclusive environmentalism, and argue for the value of “recognition” and “environmental racialization” frameworks in understanding environmental injustice in Canada.     

On Cross-Legged Effigies Commonly Appropriated to Templars

Central England has previously represented a blank area for mesolithic studies. This article endeavours to correct this with the publication of the microlithic component of three prolific surface assemblages from sites on the east Warwickshire plateau. The microliths, of later mesolithic type, are described and analysed in detail, and are shown to be noteworthy for the inclusion of large numbers of inverse basally retouched points. The assemblages are placed in their English context, and the significance of their distribution discussed.     

Constituting "The People": National Identity Under William H. Taft and Richard M. Nixon

This project is focused on the long-term constitutive elements of presidential discourse; in other words, how rhetoric helps frame and determine national identity. Seemingly innocuous, and appearing in both ceremonial and policy addresses, presidential language concerning national identity helps shape the context, and thus sets the terms for more substantive, issue-laden debates. While one cannot measure the impact of this type of rhetoric in terms of specific issues and time frames, its influence is apparent in a broader and more diffuse perspective. This research compares the public rhetoric of presidents William H. Taft and Richard M. Nixon specifically in terms of their definitions of national identity. Both Republicans, albeit with very different political contexts and time periods, exhibited marked similarities in their strategies for defining the American polity, particularly with respect to their view of the president as the national representative, the idea that the nation is a unified whole, the belief that the nation follows the greatest good for the greatest number, the belief that each citizen occupies a natural place in the hierarchy of American society, and finally, the conviction that liberty is the most important foundational value of the country. The evidence suggests that rhetorical conceptions of national identity are important over time in the United States. Enjoying a broad audience, the president has the ability to shape national debate according to which groups and issues he includes or excludes from the polity.