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This study examined the longitudinal spatial diffusion of state government policies and their related implementation organizations in the American states. The impact of coercive, institutional, and competitive processes on policy and state agency adoption were considered, as well as how aspects of the underlying policy can impact the degree of spatial diffusion. The rises of 27 different policy populations were analyzed over time, each representing not only a different policy form but a distinct implementation organization.
The policy adoption/spatial diffusion relationship across all populations was examined and results showed that the degree of spatial diffusion varied greatly. Analysis of potential relationship moderators indicated that federal impetus (coercive processes) led to an absence of spatial diffusion. Policies with an institutional basis also showed an absence of spatial diffusion while competition-based policies diffused spatially.  相似文献   
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Swords have been one of the major weapons used in violent conflicts for much of human history. Certain archaeological situations, especially those dealing with the recovery and analysis of battle casualties, may raise questions about what type(s) of bladed weapon was used in a particular conflict (e.g., the battle of Kamakura, Japan, AD 1333; the battle of Wisby, Sweden, AD 1361; the battle of Towton, England, AD 1461). Little work has been done, however, on developing criteria to differentiate sword cut marks from other types of cut marks, or to distinguish between marks created by different sword types. To develop such criteria, bovine tibiae (n = 7) were struck using six different types of bladed weapon and the resulting marks (n = 92) were analyzed. Eight traits describing the morphology of the cut mark – such as shape, the presence and unilateral/bilateral state of flaking and feathering, the presence of bone shards, associated breaks, etc. – are defined and related to blade type used. Sword marks were found to be easily distinguishable from knife marks. The variation in marks made by different sword types is significantly correlated with differences in blade weight (p < 0.0001), grip (p < 0.0113), and sharpness (p ≤ 0.0179). The criteria and analyses developed and implemented in this study will be of use to researchers in forensics and osteoarchaeology who want to infer bladed weapon type from marks on bones.  相似文献   
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Jason W Moore 《对极》2002,34(2):176-204
The era of US capitalist development between 1865 and 1920 offers a good opportunity to analyze the relational nature of social change at multiple scales precisely because it was a time of transition, for US and world capitalism alike. Existing accounts of the transition to monopoly capitalism in the US have focused on one or two geographical scales, such as the national economy or the shop floor. In this literature, scales are essentially treated as "containers" within which social change occurs. The possibility that the containers themselves may be fundamentally altered is not addressed. In contrast, this paper views labor process transformations, and transformations of the social division of labor, as dialectically bound. In particular, I seek to explain how the American transition to monopoly capitalism shaped, and was shaped by, class conflict and competitive pressures at multiple scales—the shop floor, the region, and the national and global divisions of labor.  相似文献   
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We analyze the Supreme Court nomination process in order to provide a general explanation of presidents' propensity to win confirmation battles even in the face of an ideologically hostile Senate. The analysis serves two purposes. First, we argue that employing the conventional measure of the Senate's power to constrain the president's choice of nominees–the median senator–provides an inaccurate picture of this process. In its stead we argue that the filibuster pivot (or the sixtieth most liberal or conservative senator) more accurately captures the Senate's power over the president (Krehbiel 1998). Second, we argue that even under this more stringent spatial constraint, presidents still have the ability to win most confirmation battles with the Senate. Indeed, our results indicate that presidents often overcome situations where the Senate should reject their nominees, or where it should force them to make a less desirable choice, by invoking political capital.  相似文献   
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