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131.
Most non-survey methods of estimating single-region multipliers have been shown to produce a systematic upward bias, unless a considerable amount of "superior" data is added. Here it is argued that this conclusion does not need to apply to the case of a non-survey, spatial disaggregation of multipliers. The method proposed consists of four steps with two substantive formulas. The first secures the non-survey interpolation of the lacking intra-regional multipliers for the smaller regions by means of regression. The second secures the non-survey spatial disaggregation of the inter-regional spillovers by means of second-order distance decays. The method is illustrated numerically by means of the interpolation and disaggregation of the 2 × 14 Type II biregional employment multipliers for aggregate Dutch regions into one 40 × 40 inter-regional employment multiplier matrix for the Netherlands as a whole.  相似文献   
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This article is a response to growing recognition that the role of territory has been neglected in recent explorations of nationalism. To improve understanding of how and why territory has been significant to the development of nationalist thought, this article advances two closely related arguments. The first is that the ideology of nationalism is, itself, a product of attempts to merge two very different views about the value of territory and, consequently, two different practices of territoriality. Secondly, I argue that the main lines of division in explanations of nationalism reflect the differential privileging of one view of the significance of territory, and one practice of territoriality, over the other. To substantiate these assertions, the article begins by identifying the latent powers of space and outlining the process of territoriality that allows human beings to harness these powers. This is followed by a discussion of how nationalism – as part of the shift to modernity – contributed to a major transformation in the general significance of territory and territoriality. Drawing on both pre–modern and modern views, the article demonstrates how different understandings of the significance of territory and territoriality help to define the spectrum of nationalist thought that has emerged from the eighteenth–century work of Herder and Rousseau. Through this geographical lens, the article as a whole reveals the profoundly territorial quality of nationalism and thus confirms the view that neither nationalist ideology nor practice can be understood without reference to the spatial powers which it mobilises and creates.  相似文献   
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Data from the 1990 and 1993 Australian Electoral Studies are used to investigate whether public concern about the environment has declined in Australia over recent years. Questions of the ranking and structure of environmental concerns and of levels of support for environmental organisations are addressed. The data show that public concern about the environment remains high on an ‘agenda of long‐term issues’, that environmental concerns form two distinct clusters (termed ‘brown’ and ‘green') and that active support for environmental organisations correlates only with the green cluster. It is argued that these findings give no more than partial support to the ‘organisational’, ‘postmaterialist’ and ‘risk society’ perspectives on environmental issues.  相似文献   
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It appears that many people in Irian Jaya today are protesting against the manner in which they are, as they perceive it, being denied fundamental human rights, guarantees of social interaction based on fairness, and a reasonable share of economic benefits secured through ‘development’, and are searching for something that goes beyond this: a world in which they will enjoy health and a life of youthfulness; in which they will live with one another in peace and happiness, and have access to wealth without limit. In the past decade the number of ‘cargo’ movements has increased considerably and growing clouds of cargoism are spreading over the territory. In this essay we present data on activities from four areas in Irian Jaya. In the brief discussion that follows and in which we focus primarily on causal factors, we venture the thesis that in all these cases we have to do with (new) religious movements. The recurring combination of expectations based on traditional religious beliefs with feelings of political and economic discrimination may result in explosive situations. There will be little reason to assume that cargoism will decrease significantly.  相似文献   
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